Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pablo Ornelas Rosa.pdf: 1849337 bytes, checksum: 7a8de89b2a8876a93d1d5e80d154359b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-28 / In the end of the decade of 1980 appear, in Brazil, the politics of Harm Reduction that consider a new to look at on the individuals that make psychoactive substance use, allowed how much in such a way illicit. Those, that before were stigmas as criminal and/or sick, had started to be recognized as citizens of right through the access to the programs of health to show by the State. So, at that moment certain technologies of being able had also emerged initiated centuries behind by means of the medical truths, that had started to capture the individuals through security and normalization devices that, situated for the governmental reason and the reason of State, governamentalized to the population in everything what it is mentioned to psychoactive substances. This work looks for to analyze the forms with that the politics of reduction of damages in such a way capture the practical individuals by means of and speeches used for the health when for the public security, resulting in a biopolitic located in the transformations of neoliberal racionality / No final da década de 1980 surgem, no Brasil, as políticas de Redução de Danos que propõem um novo olhar sobre os indivíduos que fazem uso de substâncias psicoativas, tanto lícitas quanto ilícitas. Aqueles, que antes eram estigmatizados como criminosos e/ou doentes, passaram a ser reconhecidos como sujeitos de direito através do acesso aos programas de saúde disponibilizados pelo Estado. Não obstante, naquele momento também emergiram certas tecnologias de poder iniciadas séculos atrás por meio das verdades médicas, que passaram a capturar os indivíduos através de dispositivos de normalização e de segurança que governamentalizaram a população em tudo aquilo que se refere às substâncias psicoativas. Este trabalho procura analisar as formas com que as políticas de redução de danos capturam os indivíduos pelos discursos da saúde e da segurança pública, resultando em uma biopolítica situada em transformações decorrentes da racionalidade neoliberal

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:15:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sharine Machado Cabral Melo.pdf: 5100536 bytes, checksum: d23a1defcbad9ce879b248402f13e1ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this thesis is to draw a genealogy of the events which led creation to be considered as an integrated activity of capitalism. The creative act, which had the fine Arts as its leading exponent, had been regarded as a natural or divine gift , an exception to the economic regime based on scarce resources and on the value extracted from physical strength. However, in the last years, utterances of creative economy or cultural economy have been focusing on creation to generate social and economic wealth. This tendency is visible when contemporary capitalism is studied in the context of immaterial labour, which has a tangible dimension (the materiality of art works or the bodies which produced them), but it is centred essentially on cooperation, signs and affects, extending itself throughout the capture of subjectivity and of the power of life itself. The hypothesis is that the artists are to be seen as entrepreneurs: those who invest their own lives in search of wealth. Mainly, two theoretical trends were used: researches on biopolitic, governmentality and neoliberalism, which had been initiated by Foucault and expanded by Rose, Negri, Lazzarato, Hardt, among others; and researches about creative economy and cultural industries, exposed by British researchers, such as Bennett, Oakley and Hesmondhalgh, who were partly influenced by Cultural Studies. In order to specify Latin American issues, Canclini s work was also used. There are references about Art History, these include: Gombrich, Shiner and Danto; Spinoza s philosophy and Peirce s semiotics have also been utilized as groundwork for the discussion. Aesthetic was specially studied from Kant s, Schiller s, Osborne s and Deleuze s works. Finally, quantitative and qualitative researches were done to investigate the daily practise of the artists. In conclusion, there are opportunities for the arts, but it is necessary to prevent the artistic movements to enclose themselves in their own production chain or to invest only on funding, disputing for public attention. There are new ways of labour exploitation, but artistic power resists or adapts itself to political and economic affairs / O objetivo desta tese é traçar uma genealogia dos acontecimentos que levaram a criação a ser vista como uma atividade integrada ao capitalismo. Se o ato de criar, tendo as Belas Artes como expoente, já foi considerado um dom divino ou natural , uma exceção ao regime baseado na escassez de recursos e na extração de valor da força física, atualmente, enunciados sobre a economia criativa ou a economia da cultura incidem sobre ele e buscam gerar ganhos sociais e econômicos. Essa tendência se apresenta na leitura do capitalismo contemporâneo pelo viés do trabalho imaterial , que tem uma dimensão tangível (a materialidade das obras ou os corpos que os produziram), mas é centrado essencialmente na cooperação, nos signos e nos afetos, estendendo-se à captura das subjetividades e da potência da vida. A hipótese é que os artistas passam a ser vistos como empreendedores: aqueles que investem a própria vida em busca de riquezas. Foram usadas principalmente duas correntes teóricas: pesquisas sobre biopolítica, governamentalidade e neoliberalismo, iniciadas por Foucault e expandidas por Rose, Negri, Lazzarato, Hardt, entre outros; e pesquisas sobre economia criativa e indústrias culturais, representadas por Bennett, Oakley e Hesmondhalgh, e em parte influenciadas pelos Estudos Culturais. Para marcar as especificidades da América Latina, foi usada principalmente a obra de Canclini. Também há referências da História da Arte, como Gombrich, Shiner e Danto; além da filosofia de Spinoza e da Semiótica de Peirce, como base para as discussões. A Estética foi estudada a partir de textos de Kant, Schiller, Osborne e Deleuze. Por fim, foram realizadas pesquisas quantitativas e qualitativas, com o propósito de investigar o dia a dia do fazer artístico. Conclui-se que há oportunidades para as artes, mas é necessário cuidado para que as diversas correntes não se fechem em seus próprios circuitos de produção ou, na disputa por atenção, invistam somente nos ciclos de financiamento. Há novas formas de exploração do trabalho, mas a potência artística resiste ou, por vezes, adapta-se às questões da política e da economia

Este trabalho visa analisar as estratégias neoliberais adotadas por Brasil e Argentina na década de 1990 além das crises econômicas e sociais que ambos atravessaram na virada para o século XXI. A ideia é reconstruir a lógica econômica que buscou o controle da inflação oriunda da década anterior nos dois países e mostrar como isso se relaciona com as crises em questão. As políticas neoliberais entraram no Brasil com Fernando Collor em 1990 e foram continuadas por Itamar Franco e Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enquanto na Argentina sua aplicação data da ditadura militar instaurada em 1976, mas foi aprofundada a partir de 1989 com a eleição de Carlos Menem e dez anos depois com Fernando de la Rúa. Para reduzir os índices de inflação e viabilizar os planos econômicos aplicados, os dois países abriram suas economias, enxugaram a máquina pública e desregulamentaram seus mercados, conforme recomendado pelo Consenso de Washington. O resultado foi um processo de valorização cambial violenta que permitiu o aumento desenfreado das importações em detrimento das exportações, levando ao fechamento de diversas empresas nacionais que não poderiam competir com produtos estrangeiros, além do aumento do desemprego. A entrada de investimentos externos, muitas vezes na compra de estatais, também caracterizou o período, mas em pouco contribuiu para o desenvolvimento dos dois países que assistiram a um quadro de deterioração social e econômica ao longo da década em questão. / The aim of this work is to analyze the neoliberal strategies adopted by Brazil and Argen-tina in the 1990s as well as the economic and social crises both countries suffered in the turn of the 21th century. The purpose of the research is to explain the economic log-ic behind the attempt to control the inflation that had risen along the previous decade in the two countries, and to show how this issue relates to the crises in question. Neoliber-al policies were first adopted in Brazil by former president Fernando Collor, in 1990, and continued to be adopted by former- presidents Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. In Argentina, neoliberal policies date from the military dictatorship in the year 1976, being further implemented by former president Carlos Menem (1989) who ruled for ten years, followed by Fernando de la Rúa, who pursued the same policy. In order to reduce inflation rates and make the economic plan work, both countries adopted an open economy, reduced public spending and deregulated their markets, following the principles set forth by the Washington Consensus. The result was a substantial increase in exchange rates that gave rise to an uncontrolled increase in imports, to the detriment of exports, leading to the closing of several national companies, that could not compete with foreign products, followed by a rise in unemployment. Inward foreign investment, often related to the privatization of state enterprises, was also a practice in this period, but it contributed little to the development of the two countries, that were faced with so-cial and economic deterioration throughout the decade in question.

O objetivo desse trabalho é compreender o processo político e econômico de abertura pró-mercado do final do século passado que levou, na América do Sul, à ascensão dos atuais governos de mudança. Optou-se por fazer uma análise que levasse em conta o processo geral da região, mas sem perder de vista a especificidade de cada país. Desse modo, buscou-se compreender os limites internos desse processo na Venezuela. Isso porque, além de o país ter sido o primeiro a eleger um candidato crítico ao neoliberalismo, no caso venezuelano, essa maior abertura econômica da década de 1990 levou à falência do modelo político vigente. A hipótese desse trabalho é, portanto, a de que eleição de um candidato com discurso radical de ruptura com o status quo se faz possível em uma sociedade como a venezuelana, que, historicamente, tem uma consciência rentísta. O rentísmo venezuelano permitiu, ao longo da história, a eleição de candidatos autônomos e com projetos políticos próprios. Essa característica histórica venezuelana, associada à perda de legitimidade política e econômica do modelo de Punto Fijo permitiu a ascensão de Chávez. A discussão dessa hipótese é feita em três capítulos que procuram entender historicamente o processo regional de ascensão e crise do modelo neoliberal para, em seguida, analisar os limites internos da Venezuela. / The work aims at understanding the reasons that led to the emergence and the demise of the economic development model implemented in Venezuela in the 1990s and how such model contributed to the collapse of the political system established by the Punto Fijo Pact in 1958. It discusses the hypothesis that the rise of the Chávez Government was possible due to a regional context marked by the exhaustion of the neoliberal economic model in Latin America and the failure of the political system of Punto Fijo. The work opted to follow an analysis that took into account the overall process in the region without overlooking the specificities of the country. Consequently, it seeks to understand the internal limits of that process in Venezuela, a country characterized by an abundance of resources. That framework of analysis was adopted because Venezuela was the first country where a President with a critical approach towards neoliberalism was elected. Likewise, it was the country where a further opening of the economy led to the fall of the (then) current political system. The Venezuelan feature of a rentier society transformed the relations between the social agents and the state in such a way that a rentistic culture was firmly established. That Venezuelan historical trait, coupled with the loss of political and economic legitimacy of the Punto Fijo model, paved the way to the rise of Chávez. The discussion of the above-mentioned hypothesis is presented throughout three chapters that seek to provide a historical explanation of the rise and the crisis of the neoliberal in order to, subsequently, analyse the internal limits of Venezuela.

A dissertação “A proposta de Educação para o Empreendedorismo do Instituto Empreender Endeavor: um estudo sobre parceria público-privada apresenta como temática central a relação público-privada na educação e tem como objetivo geral analisar o conteúdo da proposta de educação que fundamenta os cursos de empreendedorismo do Instituto Empreender Endeavor, promovidos em parceria com instituições públicas de educação no Brasil. Quanto à metodologia utilizada para realizar a pesquisa, o materialismo histórico representa o referencial teóricometodológico, sendo a análise documental a principal ferramenta, a partir do trabalho com fontes primárias e secundárias. O marco teórico da presente pesquisa parte das crises do capitalismo de 1970 e 2008 e o decorrente processo de reestruturação do sistema, o qual apresenta o Neoliberalismo, a Reestruturação Produtiva, a Globalização e a Terceira Via como estratégias para superação deste quadro. No plano políticoideológico, tanto o Neoliberalismo quanto a Terceira Via apresentam a reforma do Estado baseada na lógica mercantil como padrão de qualidade, o que tem possibilitado o crescimento da influência dos setores privados na direção e execução das políticas públicas, em especial no campo social, como a educação, que é o foco deste estudo. Contudo, a proposta neoliberal consiste no amplo processo de privatização, já a Terceira Via privilegia como elemento central a atuação das organizações ligadas ao Terceiro Setor. Constituintes deste processo, a Reestruturação Produtiva legitimou formas de organização do trabalho que atendessem aos interesses do capital em crise, com destaque para o Empreendedorismo, e a Globalização potencializou a expansão do capitalismo reestruturado através das Redes. Desta forma, a redefinição das fronteiras entre o público e o privado tem influenciado no conteúdo da educação pública, pois as Redes de Empreendedores Sociais ligadas ao Terceiro Setor, como é o caso do Instituto Empreender Endeavor, que estabelecem parcerias com instituições públicas de educação, definem o conteúdo educacional ofertado à população. A influência exercida por estas instituições privadas junto ao campo público da educação constitui-se como o problema deste estudo, o que sugere o seguinte questionamento: poderá o conteúdo da educação proposto pelo Instituto Empreender Endeavor, através de cursos de empreendedorismo oferecidos em parceria com instituições públicas de educação, ter implicações para a Democratização da Educação? No desenvolvimento da pesquisa verificou-se que o empreendedorismo dialoga com todas as estratégias características do processo de reestruturação do capitalismo, contribuindo para assegurar a hegemonia e conseqüente reprodução do sistema. Isto é, sua proposta articula, ao mesmo tempo, o apassivamento dos sujeitos que, diante do contexto de crise econômica e social, passam a buscar individualmente as competências demandadas pelo mercado e assumem os riscos de empreender seu próprio negócio para garantir a sobrevivência. Nesse sentido, conclui-se que os cursos de empreendedorismo do Instituto Empreender Endeavor promovidos em parceria com instituições públicas da educação brasileira contribuem para a deteriorização dos princípios de uma educação democrática, proporcionando um único caminho, a adaptação dos sujeitos às demandas do mercado capitalista, através da incorporação de competências socioemocionais para empreender seu próprio negócio, uma realidade que, para a maioria dos empreendedores brasileiros, significa precarização das condições de vida. / The dissertation "The Entrepreneurial Education Project of the Empreender Endeavor Institute: a study on public-private partnership presents as central theme the publicprivate relationship in education and its general objective is to analyze the content of the education proposal that bases the courses of entrepreneurship of Instituto Empreender Endeavor, promoted in partnership with public education institutions in Brazil. As for the methodology used to carry out the research, historical materialism represents the theoretical-methodological reference, and documentary analysis is the main tool, based on the work with primary and secondary sources. The theoretical framework of the present research starts from the crises of capitalism of 1970 and 2008 and the resulting process of restructuring the system, which presents Neoliberalism, Productive Restructuring, Globalization and the Third Way as strategies to overcome this framework. At the political-ideological level, both Neoliberalism and the Third Way present the reform of the State based on the mercantile logic as a quality standard, which has allowed the growth of the influence of the private sectors in the direction and execution of public policies, especially in the field social, such as education, which is the focus of this study. However, the neoliberal proposal consists of the broad process of privatization, since the Third Way privileges as a central element the performance of organizations related to the Third Sector. Constituents of this process, Productive Restructuring legitimized forms of work organization that served the interests of capital in crisis, with emphasis on Entrepreneurship, and Globalization enhanced the expansion of restructured capitalism through Networks. In this way, the redefinition of publicprivate boundaries has influenced the content of public education, since the Network of Social Entrepreneurs linked to the Third Sector, such as Instituto Empreender Endeavor, which establishes partnerships with public institutions of education, define the educational content offered to the population. The influence exerted by these private institutions in the public field of education constitutes the problem of this study, which suggests the following question: can the content of the education proposed by the Instituto Empreender Endeavor, through entrepreneurship courses offered in partnership with institutions education, have implications for the democratization of education? In the development of the research it was verified that entrepreneurship dialogues with all the characteristic strategies of the process of capitalist restructuring, contributing to ensure hegemony and consequent reproduction of the system. That is to say, its proposal articulates, at the same time, the apassivamento of the individuals who, faced with the context of economic and social crisis, begin to individually seek the competences demanded by the market and assume the risks of starting their own business to guarantee their survival. In this sense, it is concluded that the entrepreneurship courses of the Instituto Empreender Endeavor promoted in partnership with public institutions of Brazilian education contribute to the deterioration of the principles of a democratic education, providing a single path, the adaptation of the subjects to the demands of the capitalist market, through the incorporation of socio-emotional competences to undertake their own business, a reality that, for most Brazilian entrepreneurs, means the precariousness of living conditions.

Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies) / While they have emerged as global ideals based on the recognition of liberty, dignity and universal rights to 'all individuals' within the global community, human rights have faced numerous criticism and scepticism from the Global South. This research paper argues that such scepticism has had negative impact on the drive for the protection and promotion of human rights and International Human Rights Law in global politics. Given such huge challenges, this research paper points out that, unless the global human rights discourse undergoes significant reform and shift, its Western-centric domination will result into more harm than good in the international community's agenda for human rights protection and promotion. Postcolonial Africa has been at the forefront of the debate on the power-political use of the notion. As such, it has been argued that human rights discourse has influenced relations and policies between the West and the Third World, especially Africa. In this relationship, human rights have been viewed as a strategic tool for powerful states in global politics, to use in their quest to legitimise the case for political change. Furthermore, human rights have also been employed by governments seeking to justify their interference in the domestic affairs of other states, especially the West in the case of postcolonial Africa. It has therefore emerged that the human rights rhetoric/ discourse has been understood by postcolonial Africa as serving to establish a powerful perspective relating to the present and past collective experiences of injustice, exclusion and domination within global politics. Here, the global human rights regimes and Africa seem to be at a crossroads regarding the role of human rights in international politics.

This dissertation traces the genealogy of systemic risk as a pathology of monetary government of the economy and systemic risk regulation as a regulatory regime to govern this governmental problem as instituted under the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act of 2010. Using resilience and vulnerability as diagnostic categories, it reconstructs the history of economic government since the New Deal as a recursive problem-solving process, plagued with negative feedback loops. It shows how different groups of experts, acting as policy entrepreneurs, problematized and framed the economy as a crisis-prone system and how they tried to reduce the catastrophe risk in the economy without restricting economic activity and growth. In doing this, the dissertation details the proposals as well as the actual governmental apparatuses set up to represent and format the economy. It argues that systemic risk regulation emerges at the intersection of two distinct, but historically interrelated genealogical threads, systemic risk and vulnerability reduction. It shows that while systemic risk has been articulated in different ways since the 1920s, its emergence in its contemporary form took place with the rise of the monetary government in the 1970s. Under monetary government, the financial system was reformatted as a vital credit-supply infrastructure that functioned as a monetary policy transmission mechanism. A critical aspect of this reformatting was the cultivation of an increasingly leveraged financial system that relied on short-term lending markets for operational liquidity. The outcome of this development, in turn, was the reframing of systemic risk as the catastrophe risk that the failure of a firm participating in these markets would result in a system-wide collapse and thereby a depression. Vulnerability reduction, in contrast, was conceived by a group of experts working in New Deal resource planning agencies between the early 1930s and the mid-1950s. This governmental technology was concerned with the resilience of the economic system to low probability but high impact macroeconomic shocks. Within this governmental strategy, the primary objective was to reduce the vulnerability of certain points of interdependence that were considered to be critical and strategic nodes within the economic system. The dissertation argues that the rise of systemic risk regulation signifies the convergence of systemic risk and vulnerability reduction for the first time since these two genealogical threads were separated in the post-Truman period. In this respect, this development points to the remapping of vulnerability reduction onto financial ontology of substantive credit flows and thus the rearticulation of monetary government with systemic tools such as network and catastrophe modeling in a substantive form.

This dissertation concerns the history of land politics in South Africa and, equally, land as a vehicle for understanding the transition from apartheid to the post-apartheid order. In 2004, after a decade in power, the ANC government’s failure to carry out widespread land reform began to test the country’s democratic possibilities. In the lead up to that year’s national election, social movements urged landless people to boycott the polls and occupy land instead as part of a “No Land! No Vote!” campaign. With this clash as its entry point for analysis, this dissertation examines historical factors that have shaped South Africa’s neoliberal democracy and prospects for redistribution. It offers insights into some of the most significant questions facing the country: What is the historical relationship between land dispossession, citizenship, and politics in South Africa? And why, well into the Mbeki years, was the country unable, or unwilling, to reckon with it? Broad in scope, this dissertation examines a number of institutions that shaped the politics of land, economic development, and citizenship in South Africa over the last century. It is particularly focused on period of the 1940s-2004, encompassing the apartheid era and the first ten years of democracy. I begin by recasting the history of apartheid pass laws in the mid-twentieth century, widening the scope beyond their role in containing labor mobility and controlling access to cities. I show how vagrancy laws were one piece of a continuum that stretched through jails and prisons to rural plantations, supplying labor to farms and subsidizing agricultural development. Later chapters examine how, beginning in the 1970s, the World Bank and other international institutions helped shape the contours of land and housing policies and the relationship between states and citizens. My research also shows how, during the apartheid transition and through the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, private prisons and harsh criminal justice reforms became integral parts of neoliberal economic development. This dissertation weaves together the history that has shaped South Africa’s ‘dispossessed democracy’ and concludes with a discussion of the implications for social movements and political change.

This dissertation seeks to offer the first extensive account of Raymond Aron's critical interactions with major US academics and intellectuals during the Cold War. In doing so it demonstrates that Aron regularly criticized the liberal ideology of his American Cold War allies using language remarkably similar to his much more famous critiques of French Marxism. It demonstrates this by looking at Aron's thinking on neoliberalism, theories of global development and international relations realism. It also offers an alternative interpretation of Aron's role in the so-called French liberal revival of the 1970s.

Amidst recent mobilizations of Indigenous land-based resistance and the hypocrisy inherent in the state’s implementation of UNDRIP they render visible, resource-extractive corporate capital is uniquely invested in the state’s continued ability to dispossess land from Indigenous peoples. This paper suggests that growing emphasis on Indigenous-state relations within industry-funded think tanks offers corporate capital an unprecedented avenue to participate in the evolution of federal policy discourse on state-Indigenous reconciliation. It draws on a content analysis of policy materials from four of these institutions ranging from far-right groups such as the Fraser Institute to the more moderate Institute on Governance, contextualizing findings in recent and substantive shifts in federal policy development in this area. Findings suggest that the groups’ relative diversity is underscored by common discursive themes infused by neoliberal governing rationalities that invoke a diffuse, flexible and agile policy landscape that erases the question of land—and Indigenous jurisdiction over land—which many Indigenous peoples identify as critical to meaningful reconciliation efforts. / Graduate / 2020-04-29