The role of the European Union (EU) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was strengthened in 2011, when the mandate of the EU Special Representative was transferred from the High Representative of the International Community, to the Head of the EU Delegation in BiH. The EU thus assumed a leading role within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a state-builder and as democratiser. The EU’s growing prominence puts on it even more responsibility for the future of democratisation in BiH, but it continues to suffer from inconsistencies between its principles and actions, weak legitimacy, and a lack of credibility. Although I subscribe to Ian Manners’ concept of the EU normative power, I argue that the EU does not act as normative power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This thesis argues that the EU is a normative power in principle, but not in practice, and provides a critique of the EU’s role in promoting and strengthening democracy in BiH. I attribute the exceptionalism of BiH to a restrictive context that is saturated with ethnic nationalism, which permeates all aspects of political life, including constitutional structures, institutions, decision-making, political parties, their policies and rhetoric. I argue that in this post-conflict society in which democracy has not consolidated, the promotion of EU norms is hampered by elite agency, an unfavourable context, and the exiting norms and values that are incompatible with EU norms. Based on my findings about the quality of democracy in BiH, I label it an eclectically unconsolidated democracy, which contains many features of different types of unsuccessful democracies. I argue that the legitimacy, identity, and effectiveness of the EU normative power have been compromised and weakened in the context of an unconsolidated democracy. The case of BiH is exceptional, which the EU fails to recognise, and it falsely applies a ‘cookie-cutter approach’ that treats it as any other aspiring democracy and potential member state. Rather than having a distinct international identity (Manners & Whitman, 1998), the EU suffers from a ‘confused international identity’, which is a consequence of many discrepancies in the way in which various EU actors see their own role in BiH, and how they see the role of the EU. My intention is not to dismiss some aspects of EU normative power, but rather to enrich a debate by providing an alternative perspective. For that purpose, I apply a tailor-made framework of analysis which assesses the level of normative transformation under EU democratisation in the case of two dimensions of democratic quality: equality and trust.

This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union’s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application.

As I write this piece, I wonder how I got here. I began with an interest in adolescent mental health services in schools. Then I was captured by autoethnographic writing and Carolyn Ellis became my hero. I read everything I could find regarding autoethnography and mostly I read autoethnographic stories. This led me to wanting to tell my own stories, but I realized they were very difficult stories to tell and very difficult stories to hear. I became interested in why certain stories are difficult to tell. I wanted to know what made them difficult stories. I wanted to understand why we tell certain things more easily than others or why we dont tell at all. I then became interested in secrets. I realized that my personal secrets were mostly about mothering. I wondered what it was about mothering that made these stories so difficult to tell. I wondered what was unique and specific to the secrets of mothering. I read extensively about mothering and motherhood. I was exhilarated when I found the work of Andrea OReilly and the Association for Research on Mothering at a book fair at a local conference. I had found another hero. Then I read Susan Maushart (1999) and Adrienne Rich (1986) and I became immersed in the search for meaning about motherhood, mothering, the masks of motherhood and the normative discourse of mothering. I realized there was a disconnect between the discourse of mothering and the actual practice of mothering. I also began to realize that perhaps the masks of motherhood and the normative discourse contributed to and perpetuated the secrets of mothering. I tell my own secrets of mothering to examine this phenomenon. And I tell stories that I never thought I would tell in a public forum. My stories look behind my cool and competent mask of motherhood (Maushart, 1999), and expose the raw emotions of my secrets of mothering. I am often vulnerable and naked and I ask readers to appreciate this in context of their own nakedness and vulnerability. An exploration of the discourse and practice of mothering, and the secrets related to that, offers a means to disturb the normative discourse of mothering and a means to unravel my secrets of mothering. I offer no solutions only hope and possibility that the disturbing and unraveling will guide mothers and parents to decide which mask to wear (or not) and which secrets to keep (or not) and perhaps to awaken readers to the social and political issues related to these stories (both mine and the readers). I introduce and provide the background for the dissertation through my positionality in Tomasulos chair. I will give no other explanation of the chair except to say that I move in and out of the chair as I explore the purpose of my dissertation and position myself within that exploration.

Defining art has been one of philosophy of art’s biggest projects. However, no definition offered has achieved to account for all objects we consider art. In this paper, I argue that normative dualism, an unjustifiable Western prejudice for the mental, plays a big part in this failure. The division between fine art and utilitarian and “low” art has been perpetuated because the former is associated with the mental processes involved in its appreciation and, thus, considered more valuable. Theories of art also tend to exclude production (a physical process), concentrating mostly on the appreciation of art (a mental process). Ridding theory of the bias of normative dualism, by abolishing the division that sets fine art apart as more valuable and writing theory that takes art production into consideration, is the only way art theory will succeed in accurately describing art objects.

Sentimentalism as an ethical view makes a particular claim about moral judgment: to judge that something is right/wrong is to have a sentiment/emotion of approbation/disapprobation, or some kind of positive/negative feeling, toward that thing. However, several sentimentalists have argued that moral judgments involve not only having a specific kind of feelings or emotional responses, but judging that one would be <em>justified</em> in having that feeling or emotional response. In the literature, some authors have taken up the former position because the empirical data on moral judgment seems to suggest that justification is not a necessary prerequisite for making a moral judgment. Even if this is true, however, I argue that justifying moral judgments is still an important philosophic endeavour, and that developing an empirically constrained account of how a person might go about justifying his feelings/emotional responses as reasons for rendering (normative) moral judgments by using a coherentist method of justification is both plausible and desirable.

As I write this piece, I wonder how I got here. I began with an interest in adolescent mental health services in schools. Then I was captured by autoethnographic writing and Carolyn Ellis became my hero. I read everything I could find regarding autoethnography and mostly I read autoethnographic stories. This led me to wanting to tell my own stories, but I realized they were very difficult stories to tell and very difficult stories to hear. I became interested in why certain stories are difficult to tell. I wanted to know what made them difficult stories. I wanted to understand why we tell certain things more easily than others or why we dont tell at all. I then became interested in secrets. I realized that my personal secrets were mostly about mothering. I wondered what it was about mothering that made these stories so difficult to tell. I wondered what was unique and specific to the secrets of mothering. I read extensively about mothering and motherhood. I was exhilarated when I found the work of Andrea OReilly and the Association for Research on Mothering at a book fair at a local conference. I had found another hero. Then I read Susan Maushart (1999) and Adrienne Rich (1986) and I became immersed in the search for meaning about motherhood, mothering, the masks of motherhood and the normative discourse of mothering. I realized there was a disconnect between the discourse of mothering and the actual practice of mothering. I also began to realize that perhaps the masks of motherhood and the normative discourse contributed to and perpetuated the secrets of mothering. I tell my own secrets of mothering to examine this phenomenon. And I tell stories that I never thought I would tell in a public forum. My stories look behind my cool and competent mask of motherhood (Maushart, 1999), and expose the raw emotions of my secrets of mothering. I am often vulnerable and naked and I ask readers to appreciate this in context of their own nakedness and vulnerability. An exploration of the discourse and practice of mothering, and the secrets related to that, offers a means to disturb the normative discourse of mothering and a means to unravel my secrets of mothering. I offer no solutions only hope and possibility that the disturbing and unraveling will guide mothers and parents to decide which mask to wear (or not) and which secrets to keep (or not) and perhaps to awaken readers to the social and political issues related to these stories (both mine and the readers). I introduce and provide the background for the dissertation through my positionality in Tomasulos chair. I will give no other explanation of the chair except to say that I move in and out of the chair as I explore the purpose of my dissertation and position myself within that exploration.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between elementary school students¡¦ emotional experiences and their perception of teachers¡¦ power styles in classroom . In this study, 707 sixth-grade students in the great metropolitan Kaohsiung area were surveyed. The instruments employed in this study included Emotional Experiences Inventory for the Primary Students, and Teacher Power Styles Inventory. The statistical methods used for the data analysis were Descriptive Statistics, Analysis of Variance, Canonical Correlation, and Stepwise Multiple Regression. The main findings of this study were following¡G 1.The power style most frequently employed by teachers was the normative power style. On the other hand, the coercive power style was seldom employed by teachers nor was the remunerative power style. Many students had emotional experience of joy. A few students had emotional experiences of sadness and fear. 2.More girls had joy emotional experience than boys did. There were no significant differences between girls and boys for sadness and fear emotional experiences. 3.For each emotional experience, there were no significant differences among various birth orders, among family structures, or among socioeconomic states. 4.More male teachers employed the coercive power style than female teachers did. While more female teachers employed the remunerative power style and normative power style than male teachers did. 5.There were significant differences in the employment of remunerative power style among different years of teaching experience. However, there were no significant differences among the years of teaching experience for the employment of coercive power style, nor for normative power style. 6.There were no significant differences in the employment of power styles among different levels of teacher education. 7.There was a statistically significant interaction between students¡¦ birth order and sex for emotional experience of joy. 8.There was no significant interaction between students¡¦ sex and family structure for emotional experience. Also there was no significant interaction between students¡¦ sex and socioeconomic states. 9.There was a significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and the years of teaching experience for the employment of coercive power style. There was no significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and the years of teaching experience for the employment of remunerative power style, or for the normative power style. 10.There was a significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and education for the employment of coercive power style, and for the employment of remunerative power style. However, there was no significant interaction between teachers¡¦ sex and education for the employment of normative power style. 11.There was a significant correlation between teachers¡¦ employment of normative power style and students¡¦ emotional experience of joy. 12.Teachers¡¦ employment of normative power style had a great influence on students¡¦ emotional experience of sadness. 13.Teachers¡¦ employment of normative power style had a great influence on students¡¦ emotional experience of joy. 14.Teachers¡¦ employment of coercive power style had a great influence on students¡¦ emotional experience of fear. Finally, the researcher made several suggestions to the educational organizations, the primary school teachers, and the future studies.

The vast number of refugees in the world represents a very real, quantifiable, and troublesome "problem" for mainstream scholars of International Relations (IR). Mainstream IR is not able to address the problem of the refugee because of its emphasis on the state as a central actor and its inattention to justice in an international system. This thesis argues that the approaches of the English School and normative theory might come together to create a "via media" or middle ground which better addresses the problem of the refugee in international relations than mainstream IR has to date. While both approaches have limitations, the concept of international society and order versus justice debate of the English School compliments the attention given by normative theory to state responsibility and justice concerns of normative theory. The English School and normative theory can work in tandem to provide a middle ground which can directly address the problem of the refugee. The two approaches together provide a better way to start the conversation concerning the refugee.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>The EU as a normative power in Belarus – a critical case</p><p>By Anna Johnsson</p><p>University of Växjö</p><p>School of Social Sciences</p><p>Spring semester 2007</p><p>The European Union’s identity is a much debated topic. Some say it’s a unique actor in the international arena because of the different tools it has at its disposal. Ian Manners claims that the EU is what he calls a normative power. A normative power has the possibilities to influence other actors’ perceptions of what is normal and tries to affect actors’ behavior by diffusing values. Manners defines nine different values that the EU exports and also in what ways it is done.</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine if and how the EU acts as a normative power in Belarus. Belarus was chosen because it is said to be the last dictatorship left in Europe. It was also chosen as a critical case for the EU’s normative power. To be able to fulfill the purpose of the thesis I have worked with two main questions:</p><p>• What are the normative values the EU is exporting through its contacts with Belarus?</p><p>• In what ways are these values diffused?</p><p>The questions were answered by examining the official EU strategy for Belarus and I found that the values the EU is exporting to Belarus mainly are democracy, human rights, rule of law and sustainable development. Main ways of diffusion were informational diffusion, procedural diffusion and the cultural filter.</p><p>Keywords: Normative power, diffusion of values, the European Union, Belarus</p>

Little attention has been given to the role organizational commitment plays within broader models of turnover and withdrawal behavior. Understanding and integrating organizational commitment into such models is an important step to fully appreciating the role that commitment plays in the workplace. The purpose of the current study was twofold. First, this study aimed to examine the moderating role that organizational commitment plays in the unfolding model of voluntary turnover. Second, this study set out to examine the role that the various forms of commitment play in the relationship between shocks and withdrawal-related variables. By utilizing a multidimensional model of commitment, a longitudinal design, and an industry sample, the current study is able to offer empirical evidence to support the role of commitment as a moderator in the relationship between shocks and workplace outcomes. Unique effects that the various forms of commitment have on specific shock-outcome relationships were uncovered, providing at least partial support for the majority of hypotheses offered in the current study. Combined with a unique approach for documenting and measuring the various types of shocks, researchers and practitioners should find numerous applications of the current study. Overall, the results of this study are promising both for what they say about the importance of organizational commitment, as well as for their application in future studies.