O presente trabalho propõe-se a discutir sobre os Tribunais Administrativos de Organizações Internacionais, sua dimensão jurídica no contexto da expansão do Direito Internacional contemporâneo, seus objetivos jurisdicionais, suas características específicas, seus procedimentos internos e seu conceito, a partir da análise dos fundamentos e elementos jurídicos que preenchem o conteúdo dos tribunais internacionais. Nesse sentido, o estudo remonta ao exame do vínculo existente entre as organizações internacionais, os órgãos de organizações internacionais, os funcionários internacionais que prestam serviços laborais às organizações internacionais e os Tribunais Administrativos. Por fim, será apresentado o novo sistema administrativo de solução de controvérsias da Organização das Nações Unidas, de modo a revelar o significado e as consequências que a sua reforma introduz para o futuro dos Tribunais Administrativos e para a evolução do Direito Internacional na proteção dos indivíduos. / The following essay intends to discuss the International Administrative Tribunals of International Organizations, their legal dimension in the context of contemporary International Law expansion, its jurisdictional goals, their detailed characteristics, their internal procedures and its concept, by analyzing the reasons and legal aspects that fulfill the content of the international tribunals. To this end, the study relies on the examination of the existing connection between international organizations, the organs of international organizations, the international officials who render labor services to international organizations and the Administrative Tribunals. Finally, an approach in the new administrative dispute resolution system of the United Nations will be done, aiming to reveal the meaning and the consequences that the reform introduces to the future of the Administrative Tribunals and to the evolution of the International Law on the protection of individuals.

by Chris Sau-hon Ma. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1981. / Bibliography: leaves 51-53.

La corruption, considérée comme l’utilisation abusive d’un pouvoir reçu par délégation à des fins privées, enrichit immanquablement un petit nombre de personnes. Ainsi, là où elle s’enracine, elle devient un obstacle important au développement en affaiblissant la société et l’Etat. C’est pourquoi, elle sape les fondements même de l’Etat de droit, mine les bases de la démocratie et tire sa source de la mauvaise gouvernance. Par conséquent, elle entraîne non seulement une mauvaise utilisation des deniers publics, mais également, fausse la concurrence en créant des inégalités entre les citoyens. Conscients des effets néfastes de ce phénomène, la France et le Mali prévoient et punis dans leur système juridique la lutte contre corruption. Au titre de la prévention, des organes à caractère administratif sont créés (SCPC en France et BVG au Mali, etc.) ayant pour mission de prévenir la corruption des agents publics. Egalement, sur le plan de la répression, des juridictions spécialisées sont créées dans ces pays pour réprimer toute atteinte à la probité publique. Mais force est de constater que la mise en oeuvre effective de ces mesures rencontre très souvent des difficultés tenant entre autres à la brièveté du délai de la prescription, à la question de l’opportunité des poursuites, au secret-défense, etc. Sur le plan international et régional, autant de conventions ou accords ont été adoptés pour faire de la lutte contre la corruption, un enjeu majeur. D’ailleurs, les Nations Unies ont inscrit la lutte contre la corruption au rang de leurs objectifs, considérant que ce fléau constitue à bien des égards, un obstacle majeur à l’Etat de droit. La France et le Mali ont ratifié et transposé la plupart des conventions internationales et régionales dans leur système juridique afin de se conformer aux contraintes internationales pour lutter contre la corruption, une lutte qui tend à s’internationaliser. Cette étude a pour objectif de faire un état des lieux de la corruption dans les deux pays, d’analyser la réalité et la faiblesse des mesures mises en place pour lutter contre ce fléau tout en faisant des propositions destinées à rendre plus efficace la lutte contre la corruption qui, au demeurant, gangrène tous les secteurs tant public que privé. / Corruption, considered as an excessive use of a power delegated for private purposes, inevitably enriches a small number of people. Thus, where it is rooted, it becomes a major obstacle to development by weakening the society and the state. Therefore, it undermines the very foundations of the rule of law, undermines the foundations of democracy and derives its source of bad governance. Consequently, it does not only lead to a misuse of public funds, but also distorts competition by creating inequalities among citizens. Aware of the harmful effects of this phenomenon, France and Mali provide and punish in their legal systems the fight against corruption. For prevention purposes, bodies of administrative nature are created (SCPC France and Mali OAG, etc.) whose mission is to prevent the corruption of public officials. Also, as regards to law enforcement, specialized courts are created in these countries to quell any attack on public probity. But there is no choice but to accept that the effective implementation of these measures often encounter difficulties linked inter alia to the brevity of the limitation period, the issue of whether prosecution is advisable, to defense secrecy, etc. Internationally and regionally, as many conventions or agreements have been adopted to make the fight against corruption, a major stake. Besides, the United Nations has listed the fight against corruption among their objectives, considering this plague to be in many ways a major obstacle to the rule of law. France and Mali have ratified and adapted most of the international and regional conventions to their legal system in order to conform to international constraints for the fight against corruption, a struggle which tends to internationalize. This study aims to make an inventory of the corruption in both countries, analyze the reality and the weakness of the measures implemented to fight against this plague while making proposals for a more effective fight against corruption which, notwithstanding blights both public and private sectors.

Li, Ching Man. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-108). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / Acknowledgements --- p.iv / Contents --- p.v / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Motivation --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Contribution --- p.3 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Background --- p.7 / Chapter 2.1 --- China's County-level Fiscal & Administrative System --- p.7 / Chapter 2.2 --- Changing Structure of the Intergovernmental Transfer System --- p.10 / Chapter 2.3 --- Forces Shaping the Current Intergovernmental Transfer System --- p.20 / Chapter Chapter Three --- Literature Review --- p.27 / Chapter 3.1 --- Literature on the Theories of Intergovernmental Transfers Relevant to China --- p.27 / Chapter Chapter Four --- "Model Specification, Data and Empirical Strategy" --- p.40 / Chapter 4.1 --- Basic Specification --- p.40 / Chapter 4.2 --- Data --- p.47 / Chapter 4.3 --- Panel Data Estimation --- p.52 / Chapter Chapter Five --- Estimation Results --- p.60 / Chapter 5.1 --- Selection of Panel Data Model --- p.60 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- Estimation Results for Real Earmarked Transfers Per Capita (REARPC) --- p.62 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- Estimation Results for Real Tax Rebates Per Capita (RREBPC) --- p.64 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- Estimation Results for Real Transitional Intergovernmental Transfer Per Capita (RTRAPC) --- p.67 / Chapter 5.1.4 --- Estimation Results for Real Wage Adjustment Transfers Per Capita (RWAGPC) --- p.70 / Chapter 5.2 --- Problems with Estimation & Robustness of Results --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Data problems & Robustness --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Different Sets of Explanatory Variables --- p.75 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Hausman-Taylor model: An Experiment --- p.77 / Chapter Chapter Six --- Conclusions and Policy Implications --- p.83 / Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of Salient Findings --- p.83 / Chapter 6.2 --- Policy Implications --- p.85 / Appendix 1 --- p.90 / Appendix II --- p.93 / References --- p.97

Thesis (M. A. (Administration)) -- University of the North, 1982 / Refer to the document

Public child welfare agencies experience front line worker turnover rates as high as 25% a year. Worker turnover has significant financial costs to agencies, and has been linked to negative outcomes for children in care. Prior research has linked organizational factors, such as organizational climate, culture, and supervisor satisfaction, to turnover intent in child welfare populations. This research uses an empowerment framework to turn to workers directly to answer the question, "What are the organizational factors that lead frontline child welfare workers to stay or leave the agency, and what, then, are the implications for agency administrators?" This study relies upon secondary data of a workforce study conducted by the Child Welfare Partnership at Portland State University's School of Social Work. The data was collected via a pilot internet survey of approximately 400 State-employed Oregon child welfare case workers across all geographic regions in the state, and focuses on workers who plan to leave for preventable reasons. This study explored links between organizational factors and turnover in a sample of Oregon public child welfare workers. This research finds that climate, culture, supervision, and knowledge of the job prior to hire are all significantly correlated with intent to leave. Climate is most significantly correlated to Intent to Leave, and explains 25% of the variance in intent to leave in a regression model. These research findings suggest that agency administrators who are interested in improving worker retention can monitor and address local culture and climate as one tool for increasing workforce stability. Retention may be improved by maintaining an organizational culture and climate that is empowering to workers and that encourages workers to be a part of the change process. Additional implications for the child welfare workforce, social work research, and social work education are discussed.

Doctor of Philosophy / Responsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.

This research project examines how managers in local-government-owned business organisations justify their adoption of an entrepreneurial orientation and their interpretation of their role in entrepreneurial terms. To explore these justifications, interviews were conducted with the senior management of four local-government- owned business operations and one local council. They were: Metrowater, The Edge, Taieri Gorge Railway, Chatham Islands Council and Chatham Islands Enterprise Trust. These interviews were then analysed, utilising a critical discourse method. In addition, interviews were also conducted with senior managers in the Rotorua District Council and Taupo District Council who provided a sharp contrast to the former organisations and suggested a means by which the neo-liberal approach within the sector might be countered. Through speaking with the various local govermnent business managers contacted for this project, I concluded that managers of local-government-owned business operations have a strong institutional identification with the private sector. This identity is so strong that many of the managers interviewed have rejected the very notion that they are public employees of any sort. The managers have adopted an entrepreneurial approach because they see this as essential to gain professional legitimacy with their peers in the private sector. This has caused them to place distance between themselves and the owners of the business that they manage (that is, the councils), and the local citizens they ostensibly serve, to the extent that they have described their job as providing goods and services to customers rather than providing services for citizens. I will show that the adoption of such an attitude is inappropriate when placed within the context of local-government-owned and operated business concerns. From the point of view of European settlement, New Zealand is a very young country, especially in the administrative sector. To provide a background to this project and to suggest the main lines of development of local government in New Zealand, I have included a prologue that outlines the history of local government in New Zealand.

<p>Tobaksrökning är ett allvarligt hot mot en god folkhälsa i det västerländska samhället. Gällande tobakssnusning är forskningen dock inte enig. Världshälsoorganisationen anser att tobaksprevention ska innefatta policybeslutande samtidigt som Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting rekommenderar kommuner att arbeta strategiskt för att uppnå tobaksrökfrihet bland deras anställda. I Sverige har 67 kommuner antagit policyn Tobaksfri arbetstid. I detta examensarbete har intervjuer genomförts med politiker och tobakspreventivt ansvariga tjänstemän i tre kommuner i Västmanlands län som har påbörjat en arbetsprocess med policyn Tobaksfri arbetstid. Syftet var att undersöka deras uppfattningar om kommunens arbetsprocess med policyn. Genom en innehållsanalys strukturerades och tolkades intervjuerna. Resultatet visade att en av kommunerna har antagit ett förvaltningsmål, och inte en kommunövergripande policy om tobaksrökfri arbetstid och två kommuner har påbörjat en arbetsprocess för att i framtiden anta policyn. Samtliga kommuner hade påbörjat en arbetsprocess med policyn då tobaksrökning upplevdes som ett problem. Somliga ansåg däremot att tobakssnusning möjligtvis kunde inkluderas i ett senare skede. Ingen ansåg att SKL:s rekommendationer har påverkat att de påbörjade en arbetsprocess. Det var samstämmighet både mellan kommunerna och med tidigare forskning, om att politiskt stöd, involverande av anställda, tydlig planering och kombination med avvänjningsstöd är centrala faktorer i den fortsatta arbetsprocessen med policyn.</p> / <p>Tobacco smoking and possibly using smokeless tobacco risk decreasing the public health. The World Health Organization considers that tobacco preventive work shall include policy decisions. Sweden's municipalities and county council (SKL) argue that municipalities shall adopt a tobacco policy for their employees. SKL also recommends municipalities to work in order to become totally smoke free workplaces. Around 70 municipalities in Sweden have adopted the policy Tobacco free working hours and some of these have included smokeless tobacco. In this work interviews with politicians and officials responsible for the tobacco preventive work were accomplished in three municipalities in the county of Västmanland. The aim of the work was to examine their views about the municipalities work process with the policy. The interviews were structured and interpreted by a content analysis. The result showed that one of the municipalities has adopted an administrative aim and not a policy about smoke free working hours, while two of the municipalities have started a work process in order to adopt a policy in the future. All municipalities had started a work process because they found tobacco smoking to be a problem. Some considered that smokeless tobacco perhaps should be included in the policy in a later stage. No one considered that SKL's recommendations had been an influence to why they started a work process with the policy. The communities agreed with each other that political support, involving of employees, clear planning and supporting employees to quit smoking are fundamental factors in the continuing work process with the policy. This also corresponds to recent research.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 175-176). Also available online via the Florida State University electronic theses website (http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/).