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Risky business: a regional comparison of the levels of risk and service needs of sexually offending youthSchoenfeld, Tara McKenzie 05 1900 (has links)
Considerable attention has focussed on identifying individual factors associated with, or
predictive of, sexual offending (e.g., Efta-Breitbach & Freeman, 2004). In light of these
individual factors, clinicians and researchers have developed standardized instruments for
assessing the risk posed by sexually offending youth. Two such instruments are the Juvenile Sex
Offender Assessment Protocol-II (J-SOAP-II; Prentky & Righthand, 2003) and the Estimate of
Risk of Adolescent Sexual Offence Recidivism Version 2.0 (ERASOR-II; Worling & Curwen,
2001). In addition to individual factors, research on crime has demonstrated that structural
factors within the community may be important determinants of sexual and non-sexual offending
(e.g., McCarthy, 1991; Ouimet, 1999; Shaw & McKay, 1942; Wirth, 1938). Therefore, the
purpose of this study was twofold: (a) to compare the psychometric properties of two newly
developed risk assessment instruments (i.e., J-SOAP-II and ERASOR-II) and (b) to use the better
instrument to compare the levels of risk posed by sexually offending youth in 3 neighbouring,
but diverse communities. Using file information, the J-SOAP-II and ERASOR-II were scored on
84 adolescent males between the ages of 11 and 20 years who had committed a sexual offence
and received treatment at Youth Forensic Psychiatric Services (YFPS) in the Greater Vancouver
Area (GVA; n = 30), Central Okanagan (CO; n = 26), and Thompson Nicola region (TN; n =
28). Calculations of interrater reliability and item-total correlations indicated that the J-SOAP-II
was a better assessment instrument for this sample of offenders. Consequently, further regional
analysis of risk was conducted using the J-SOAP-II data. Results indicated that although there
were no regional differences among the severity and history of sexual offending, TN youth
generally had a greater number of risk factors than did youth in CO and GVA. Specifically,
youth in TN were found to be higher risk in the areas of intervention, general problem behaviour,
iii
and family/environment dynamics. These results suggest that to better understand youth who
commit sexual offences and to provide appropriate prevention and intervention strategies for
individual offenders and their communities, youth should not be evaluated in isolation from their
social and community context. Recommendations for practice are discussed.
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Risky business: a regional comparison of the levels of risk and service needs of sexually offending youthSchoenfeld, Tara McKenzie 05 1900 (has links)
Considerable attention has focussed on identifying individual factors associated with, or
predictive of, sexual offending (e.g., Efta-Breitbach & Freeman, 2004). In light of these
individual factors, clinicians and researchers have developed standardized instruments for
assessing the risk posed by sexually offending youth. Two such instruments are the Juvenile Sex
Offender Assessment Protocol-II (J-SOAP-II; Prentky & Righthand, 2003) and the Estimate of
Risk of Adolescent Sexual Offence Recidivism Version 2.0 (ERASOR-II; Worling & Curwen,
2001). In addition to individual factors, research on crime has demonstrated that structural
factors within the community may be important determinants of sexual and non-sexual offending
(e.g., McCarthy, 1991; Ouimet, 1999; Shaw & McKay, 1942; Wirth, 1938). Therefore, the
purpose of this study was twofold: (a) to compare the psychometric properties of two newly
developed risk assessment instruments (i.e., J-SOAP-II and ERASOR-II) and (b) to use the better
instrument to compare the levels of risk posed by sexually offending youth in 3 neighbouring,
but diverse communities. Using file information, the J-SOAP-II and ERASOR-II were scored on
84 adolescent males between the ages of 11 and 20 years who had committed a sexual offence
and received treatment at Youth Forensic Psychiatric Services (YFPS) in the Greater Vancouver
Area (GVA; n = 30), Central Okanagan (CO; n = 26), and Thompson Nicola region (TN; n =
28). Calculations of interrater reliability and item-total correlations indicated that the J-SOAP-II
was a better assessment instrument for this sample of offenders. Consequently, further regional
analysis of risk was conducted using the J-SOAP-II data. Results indicated that although there
were no regional differences among the severity and history of sexual offending, TN youth
generally had a greater number of risk factors than did youth in CO and GVA. Specifically,
youth in TN were found to be higher risk in the areas of intervention, general problem behaviour,
iii
and family/environment dynamics. These results suggest that to better understand youth who
commit sexual offences and to provide appropriate prevention and intervention strategies for
individual offenders and their communities, youth should not be evaluated in isolation from their
social and community context. Recommendations for practice are discussed. / Graduate Studies, College of (Okanagan) / Graduate
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Livable CommunitiesVice President Research, Office of the January 2009 (has links)
What makes a community sustainable? Is it the
effective management of local environmental
resources? Or meeting the social, economic and health needs of its population? For the five UBC researchers in the following pages, the answer is unequivocally both. From tackling water scarcity to environmental health and planning, these researchers are individually working to ensure local communities are equipped with the necessary knowledge to remain sustainable for generations to come.
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Kamloops Chinuk Wawa, Chinuk pipa, and the vitality of pidginsRobertson, David Douglas 07 February 2012 (has links)
This dissertation presents the first full grammatical description of unprompted (spontaneous) speech in pidgin Chinook Jargon [synonyms Chinúk Wawa, Chinook]. The data come from a dialect I term ‘Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’, used in southern interior British Columbia circa 1900. I also present the first historical study and structural analysis of the shorthand-based ‘Chinuk pipa’ alphabet in which Kamloops Chinúk Wawa was written, primarily by Salish people. This study is made possible by the discovery of several hundred such texts, which I have transliterated and analyzed. The
Basic Linguistic Theory-inspired (cf. Dixon 2010a,b) framework used here interprets Kamloops Chinúk Wawa as surprisingly ramified in morphological and syntactic structure, a finding in line with recent studies reexamining the status of pidgins by Bakker (e.g. 2003a,b, forthcoming) among others. Among the major findings: an unusually successful pidgin literacy including a widely circulated newspaper Kamloops Wawa, and language planning by the missionary J.M.R. Le Jeune, O.M.I. He planned both for the use of Kamloops Chinúk Wawa and this alphabet, and for their replacement by English. Additional sociolinguistic factors determining how Chinuk pipa
was written included Salish preferences for learning to write by whole-word units (rather than letter by letter), and toward informal intra-community teaching of this first group literacy. In addition to compounding and conversion of lexical roots, Kamloops Chinúk Wawa morphology exploited three types of preposed grammatical morphemes—affixes, clitics, and particles. Virtually all are homonymous with and grammaticalized from demonstrably lexical morphs. Newly identified categories include ‘out-of-control’ transitivity marking and discourse markers including ‘admirative’ and ‘inferred’. Contrary to previous claims about Chinook Jargon (cf. Vrzic 1999), no overt passive
voice exists in Kamloops Chinúk Wawa (nor probably in pan-Chinook Jargon), but a previously unknown ‘passivization strategy’ of implied agent demotion is brought to light. A realis-irrealis modality distinction is reflected at several scopal levels: phrase, clause and sentence. Functional differences are observed between irrealis clauses before and after main clauses. Polar questions are restricted to subordinate clauses, while alternative questions are formed by simple juxtaposition of irrealis clauses. Main-clause interrogatives are limited to content-question forms, optionally with irrealis marking. Positive imperatives are normally signaled by a mood particle on a realis clause, negative ones by a negative particle. Aspect is marked in a three-part ingressive-imperfective-completive system, with a marginal fourth ‘conative’. One negative operator has characteristically clausal, and another phrasal, scope. One copula is newly attested. Degree marking is largely confined to ‘predicative’ adjectives (copula complements). Several novel features of pronoun usage possibly reflect Salish L1 grammatical habits: a consistent animacy distinction occurs in third-person pronouns, where pan-Chinook Jargon 'iaka' (animate singular) and 'klaska' (animate plural) contrast with a null inanimate object/patient; this null and 'iaka' are non-specified for number; in intransitives,
double exponence (repetition) of pronominal subjects is common; and pan-Chinook Jargon 'klaksta' (originally ‘who?’) and 'klaska' (originally ‘they’) vary freely with each other. Certain etymologically content-question forms are used also as determiners. Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’s numeral system is unusually regular and small for a pidgin; numerals are also used ordinally in a distinctly Chinook Jargon type of personal name. There is a null allomorph of the preposition 'kopa'. This preposition has additionally a realis complementizer function (with nominalized predicates) distinct from irrealis 'pus' (with verbal ones). Conjunction 'pi' also has a function in a syntactic focus-increasing and -reducing system. / Graduate
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NewswireVice President Research, Office of the January 2008 (has links)
No description available.
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