Cette thèse établit un corpus de plus de quatre cents voyageurs et auteurs européens, passés ou non par Alep pendant la période ottomane (1516-1918), dont les œuvres évoquant la métropole syrienne relèvent de la littérature de voyage. Centre économique, religieux et culturel, situé à la croisée des routes entre l’Europe, l’Asie et l’Afrique, Alep est un lieu de séjour ou de passage pour de nombreux voyageurs aux motivations diverses. La mise en texte de leur expérience viatique peut prendre des formes variées et subit l’influence des modèles rhétoriques classiques, en particulier celui de l’éloge de la cité à l’origine d’un certain nombre de topoi : la ville est propre et bien bâtie, son air est pur, ses jardins agréables, ses habitants tolérants et raffinés. Ces clichés sont répandus dans le temps, dans l’espace et à travers plusieurs genres littéraires. Leur diffusion est favorisée par les pratiques intertextuelles, mais ils ne sont pas constitutifs d’un regard européen spécifique, les sources orientales orales et écrites intervenant dans la construction du savoir sur la ville. L’originalité d’Alep repose dans la rareté des souvenirs chrétiens, gréco-romains et croisés, qui entraîne une faible fréquentation au XIXe siècle malgré l’importance de la métropole. Ce paradoxe révèle ainsi ce que recherchent principalement les voyageurs européens : eux-mêmes à travers leur propre passé. / The thesis establishes a corpus of more than four hundred European travellers and authors, passed or not through Aleppo during the Ottoman period (1516-1918), whose works evoke the Syrian metropolis within travel literature. As economic, cultural and religious centre located at the crossroads between Europe, Asia and Africa, Aleppo is a place of transit or residence for many travellers coming for different motivations. Their travel accounts can take many forms and are influenced by classical rhetorical models, particularly the praise of the city generating some topoi: the city is clean and well built, its air is pure and its gardens pleasant, the inhabitants are refined and tolerant. These topoi are scattered in time, space as well as in many literary genres. Their diffusion is favoured by the intertextual practices, but they do not reflect a specific European perspective, as Eastern sources – oral and written – take part in constructing knowledge about the city. The originality of Aleppo lies in scarcity of Christian, Greco-Roman and Crusaders recollections, which leads to low presence in the nineteenth century despite the importance of the city. This paradox reveals what European travellers look mainly for: themselves through their own history.

Dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, les comédies de Molière devinrent une source féconde pour les Ottomans qui cherchaient à renouveler les arts dramatiques populaires et à créer ainsi un nouveau théâtre national. Ce travail se concentre sur les deux grands vecteurs de la transmission à l’étranger du répertoire français au XIXe siècle (les pièces qui voyagent dans leur langue originale et les traductions et autres adaptations des pièces françaises en vogue) et poursuit le but d’analyser dans sa complexité la transmission du théâtre moliéresque dans l’Empire ottoman à l’Âge des réformes. Ce travail se propose de réécrire sous un nouvel angle l’histoire de la modernité théâtrale turque en mettant l’accent sur les changements que subirent les arts du spectacle populaires face à la popularité grandissante du théâtre moliéresque dans la capitale ottomane et sur les grandes tournées dramatiques des vedettes françaises dans une Constantinople très vivante et cosmopolite. / In the second half of the nineteenth century, Molière's comedies were seen as a fertile source of material for Ottoman playwrights eager to bring new ideas to the popular dramatic arts and to create a new form of national theater. This dissertation concentrates on two primary ways that French theater was transmitted to the theater-going public in the nineteenth century : First, plays that traveled in their original language ; and secondly, translations and adaptations of the French plays most popular at the time. This dissertation aims to analyze Molière's theater in all the complex ways it was transmitted throughout the Ottoman Empire during the Age of Reforms. This dissertation proposes a new perspective on the history of modern Turkish theater, underlining the transformation that the popular dramatic arts went into in the midst of the growing popularity of Molière's theater in the capital and the effect of French theater stars coming to what was a lively and cosmopolitan Istanbul.

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The past years have seen a renewed interest in the study of Ottoman and African relations. Several works have been published in Turkish and partly in English; they cover the periods from the 16th century to World War I and geographically referred to the Ottoman provinces in North and North East Africa mostly Egypt, Tripoli, Tunisia, and Ethiopia (Habesh Province) by using the Ottoman archival sources. However, no comprehensive study has been undertaken on the relations between the Ottoman Empire and the rest of the continent except for a few works. This Ph.D. study had begun as an investigation into the Zanzibar Sultanate which was frequently referred to as Zengibar, the local Muslim sultanate in East Africa in the Ottoman archival sources of the late nineteenth century. After examining more than a hundred documents that were first transcribed from the original version of Ottoman Turkish and then translated into English with annotations, this study revealed the existence of the entangled world of East Africa where Europeans, Ottomans, and local African powers had been constantly in contact with each other at the global age of colonialism. In this sense, this work, first questioned how the Ottoman State, as the Caliph of the Muslim world, produced knowledge about Africa and perceived what was taking place in the region in the related period. Secondly, it deals with the Ottoman’s relationship with the European States in the context of the scramble for Africa. Thirdly, it questioned the nature of the mutual relations between the Zanzibar Sultanate and the Ottoman Empire which was fostered by imperial competition between European powers in the period of high colonialism.:CONTENTS...................................................... iv LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................ vii LIST OF DOCUMENTS ...................................................... viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ……………………..xi INTRODUCTION………………………1 The Congo Conference and East Africa .......................................................... 1 East Africa in Ottoman Sources: An Imperial but Non-Colonial Perspective ...... 4 Aims, Sources, and Methodology ............................10 Structure of the Thesis .................................................................. 13 PART I: THE OTTOMAN PERCEPTION OF EARLY COLONIAL INITIATIVES IN EAST AFRICA (1885-1890) ............................................ 17 1.1 AFRIKA-YI OSMANI: OTTOMAN MAPPING OF AFRICA ................... 20 1.1.1 The Berlin Conference and its Reflection in Ottoman Mapping of Africa ... 24 1.1.2 The Sources ................................. 25 1.1.3 Annotated and Translated Documents with original maps ................... 27 1.2 THE OTTOMAN VIEW OF THE SCHUTZBRIEF IN 1885 ..................... 67 1.2.1 The Ottoman Perception of the Schutzbrief ..................................... 69 1.2.2 The Sources ................................................ 73 1.2.3 Annotated and Translated Documents ............................... 76 1.2.4 Original Documents .................................................... 90 1.3 “BRITISH PLOT” OR “FALLING PREY TO THE DESIRE OF HAVING A COLONY IN EAST AFRICA”? THE OTTOMAN PERCEPTION OF THE BLOCKADE OF THE COASTS OF THE ZANZIBAR SULTANATE, 1888-89 ......................... 101 1.3.1 The Sources ....................................... 104 1.3.2 Annotated and Translated Documents .................. 107 1.3.3 Original Documents ................................... 139 PART II: ALLIANCE OR COMPETITION? IMPERIAL ENCOUNTERS IN EAST AFRICA ...........150 2.1 RELUCTANT MIDDLEMAN BETWEEN GERMANY AND ZANZIBAR (1886-94) ........152 2.1.1 The Wissmanntruppe ................................................... 153 2.1.2 The Sources ........................................................... 156 2.1.3 Annotated and Translated Documents ............................ 158 2.1.4 Original Documents ................................................ 165 2.2 WHICH GOD FOR CONGO? A CONVERTED MUSLIM’S VOICE IN THE ANTWERP PRESS AND HIS NETWORKS IN ISTANBUL AND CONGO ........ 171 2.2.1 Muhammad Muhtar ............................................................. 172 2.2.2 The “Civilising Mission” of Muslim Missionaries ................... 174 2.2.3 The Sources ................................................................ 176 2.2.4 Annotated and Translated Documents ........................... 179 2.2.5 Original Documents ................................ 200 2.3 THE PRESS AND THE OTTOMAN ROLE IN AFRICA (1885-1892) ..... 208 2.3.1 The Sources ............................................................. 210 2.3.2 Annotated and Translated Documents ..................... 214 2.3.3 Original Documents ............................................ 236 PART III: BEING CONNECTED IN HARD TIMES: RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ZANZIBAR SULTANATE AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE (1879-1908) ........... 255 3.1 “GOD SAVE THE QUEEN” VS “GOD SAVE OUR BRAVE SAYYID”: SULTAN BARGHASH’S DESIRE FOR A ZANZIBAR NATIONAL ANTHEM IN 1879.................... 259 3.1.1 Introduction ............................................ 259 3.1.2 The Magazine an-Nahlah (The Bee) and Barghash’s Desire for a National Anthem…………………………… .. 263 3.1.3 The Sultan’s Band .......................................... 265 3.1.4 The Age of Images: Ceremonies, Symbols, and Rites ..................... 267 3.1.5 The Sources .............................................................. 269 3.1.6 Annotated and Translated Documents ........................... 271 3.1.7 Original Documents .................................. 275 3.2 IT TOOK LONGER TO ARRIVE THAN TO STAY: AN OTTOMAN ENVOY’S VISIT TO ZANZIBAR IN 1888 ............................................. 281 3.2.1 The Sources .............................................................. 285 3.2.2 Annotated and Translated Documents ............................. 288 3.2.3 Original Documents .................................. 309 3.3 FROM ITALY TO ZANZIBAR: THE TRANSLOCAL NETWORK OF AN ANARCHIST IN 1905 ............................ 329 3.3.1 The Sources ........................................ 335 3.3.2 Annotated and Translated Documents ......................... 337 3.3.3 Original Documents ...................................... 349 3.4 THE ZANZIBAR SULTAN’S VISITS TO ISTANBUL IN 1907-1908 ......... 370 3.4.1 The Sources .......................................................... 373 3.4.2 Annotated and Translated Documents ................................. 375 3.4.3 Original Documents............................................................... 389 CONCLUDING REMARKS .............................................. 416 BIBLIOGRAPHY...........................................................428

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This dissertation maps a cross-cultural portrait atlas that traces Ottoman faces within the spaces and places of the nineteenth-century visual economy between 1863-1908. These photographic portraits reveal a reciprocal exchange and shared discourse between modernizing Ottoman and Euro-American worlds as mediated by expositions, publications, and museums. Three case studies are considered: sultanic portraits by Ottoman studios and their varied appearances in the picture press; the sumptuous album of regional Ottoman costumes commissioned in 1873 the Elbise-i Osmaniyye for the Weltausstellung Wien; and student portraits in a fifty-one volume photographic study gifted to the United States and Great Britain by Sultan Abdülhamid II in 1893 and 1894. It positions Ottoman portraits by photographers such as Pascal Sébah and Abdullah Frères as more than “Eastern” or “European,” “other” or “Islamic.” It considers these photographs multi-cultural, cosmopolitan, and politically complex entities that chart an international and networked history of art. Ottomans Abroad explores the ways in which contradictory notions about Ottoman identity materialize in a range of portrait images, and demonstrates how these photographs confront the effects of cultural belonging in a place where identity, and representations of that identity, have always been fluid. My first chapter maps the stories behind the small number of Ottoman sultanic photographic portraits made of Abdülaziz and Abülhamid II between 1863 and 1908. My second chapter concentrates on the 1873 Elbise-i Osmaniyye, exploring sartorial customs and regional costumes as portraits in their own right. My third chapter concentrates on school imagery in the 1893 Abdülhamid II albums, identifying how these photographs localize the topography of the nineteenth-century imperial terra firma; it connects regional portraiture to regional landscape, thus, broadening representations of likeness in nineteenth-century photographs. By articulating a local history of Ottoman photographs, tracing individual images and the stories that surround them, this project argues that photographs not only represent cultural identity, they also produce it. In so doing, this dissertation subverts a conventional biographical model, situating Ottoman portrait photographs in a multivalent, messy and transnational framework, which, in turn, generates photographic meaning. / 2020-01-23T00:00:00Z

The Macedonian Question has attracted much attention since the 1990s due to the emergence of the dispute over the name of Macedonia between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. In Greece there is a prolific literature on this subject, but some basic questions remain unanswered. In particular, the role of the government, and of government institutions – especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – have attracted little or no attention: on the contrary, historians have focused on the „heroes‟ of the conflict, the fighters themselves, the result being that the Macedonian Question is understood as a military fight of good versus evil. In this D.Phil. thesis, we examine how the government got involved with the Macedonian Question and second, in what ways it was involved, especially given that an official acknowledgement of the government‟s involvement with the paramilitary operations was diplomatically impossible. We approached these questions by examining the personal archives of Greek politicians and diplomats (most notably of the Dragoumis family) and the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, especially the Archives of the Greek Embassies in London, Paris and Constantinople, which have only recently become available. The key finding is that the Greek government, despite its declarations to the opposite effect, was involved heavily with the paramilitary fighting in Macedonia, but also that the official involvement with Macedonia was constrained and influenced by electoral concerns and by the powerful Macedonian lobbies in Athens. Decisions were rarely made in a rational, bureaucratic way, but were more often reached after consultations with journalists, military officers and intellectuals and always bearing domestic political realities in mind. These findings suggest that future research should move away from understanding the „Macedonian Struggle‟ solely as a military issue, and put it into the wider context of early twentieth-century Greek political and diplomatic history.

Le han est un type architectural lié au commerce et au logement qui s’est développé dans l’ensemble du monde islamique. Le han traditionnel présente un plan à cour intérieure bordée d’un portique à l’arrière duquel sont disposées les cellules. A Istanbul, ce type d’édifice s’est surtout développé dans le quartier commerçant principal de la péninsule historique et dans le Grand Bazar. Son évolution a suivi celle de la ville. Cette étude se concentre sur les han construits entre le début du XVIIIe s. et le milieu du XIXe s. Durant cette période, les échanges entre l’Empire ottoman et l’Occident s’intensifient. En architecture, l’influence occidentale se manifeste d’abord dans le décor puis dans la typologie, tendance observée également dans les han. Par ailleurs, d’autres transformations, liées cette fois-ci à l’évolution interne de l’architecture ottomane, y sont perceptibles. Enfin, le modèle architectural du han traditionnel se transforme peu à peu et à partir du milieu du XIXe s. apparaît un type de han proche de modèles occidentaux. Les divers remaniements dans la ville d’Istanbul, notamment ceux qui ont suivi incendies et tremblements de terre, ont eu pour conséquence la disparition de nombreux han ou leur réfection. L’exploitation d’une documentation très variée (sources d’archives ottomanes, documents graphiques anciens, relevés, plans de restitutions, photographies et autres) et le croisement des différentes données permettent de combler certaines lacunes relatives à la commande, à la construction, aux réparations, aux diverses transformations ainsi qu’aux fonctions des han. / The han is an architectural structure related to trade and housing which developed throughout the Islamic world. The traditional han consisted of an inner courtyard surrounded by a portico that gave access to rooms. In Istanbul, this kind of buildings is mostly located in the main commercial area of the historical peninsula and in the Grand Bazaar. The evolution of the han is linked to the development of the city. This study focuses on the han built between the early 18th century and the mid 19th century. During this period, there was an increasing exchange between the Ottoman and Western worlds. In the field of architecture, the western influence was at first noticed in the decorative elements and later in the architectural typology, a trend that is also valid for the han. In addition, one can observe further changes linked to the evolution of the ottoman architecture itself. Consequently, the architectural model of the traditional han gradually changed through time and by the middle of the 19th century, a type of han very similar to western buildings could be seen. Various changes in the cityscape of Istanbul, particularly after great fires and earthquakes led to the disappearance or restructuring of many han. This work is based on research of a wide range of documents (Ottoman archival documents, historical graphics, plans, restoration projects, photographs etc.) and the cross examination of these data made it possible to find unedited informations concerning patrons, original constructions, repairs, various transformations as well as the uses of the han.

Shaykh Aḥmad al-R­ūmī al-Āqḥiṣārī (d. 1041/1632), Ḥanafi jurist, theologian and Sufi, is largely an unknown figure to scholars of Ottoman religious history. Progress towards disclosing key aspects of al-Āqḥiṣārī’s thought has been made in recent times thanks to the important contributions of Y. Michot, who has, in particular, demonstrated the association of al-Āqḥiṣārī with the Ottoman puritanical movement, the Qaḍīzādelis. Building upon Michot’s work, this study delves further into the works of al-Āqḥiṣārī especially his seminal contribution, the Majālis al-abrār. The study sets out its main themes and the authorities on which it is based; it then moves to show the degree of overlap between al-Āqḥiṣārī’s understandings and Naqshbandī Sufism, as well as the extent to which his thought converges with that of better-known Ottoman puritans such as Birgivī Efendī (d. 981/1573) and Qaḍīzāde (d. 1044/1635). It is suggested that the impact of the Majālis al-abrār on the Qāḍīzādelis had the outcome in the second half of the seventeenth century of increasing the violence of their activists, a development which ultimately led to their downfall. A key aspect of this study is the re-examination of the view that the Qāḍīzādelis were a proto-Wahhābī or proto-Salafī movement, which is typical in the existing literature. Whilst demonstrating the influence of Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350) and his teacher, Aḥmad b. Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), upon al-Āqḥiṣārī’s thought, the limits of this influence are clearly demonstrated by bringing to light al-Āqḥiṣārī’s distinct doctrinal and legal positions, which were very much embedded within the Ottoman Islam of his times. Ultimately, by studying the relationship between al-Āqḥiṣārī’s masterpiece, the Majālis al-abrār and Qāḍīzādeli and Naqshbandī beliefs, the study aims to place the movement in its own Ottoman, Ḥanafī, and Sufi milieu, thereby challenging the dominant approach which reads the movement through modern paradigms.

This study explores the development of a discourse of global civility in English travel writing in the period 1636-1863. It argues that global civility is at the heart of cross-cultural exchanges in both the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, and that its evolution can best be traced by comparing accounts by travellers to the already familiar Ottoman Empire with writings of those who ventured into the largely unknown worlds of the South Pacific. In analysing these accounts, this study examines how their contexts were informed by Enlightenment philosophy, global interconnections and even-handed exchanges across cultural divides. In so doing, it demonstrates that intercultural encounters from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries were much more complex and multi-layered than one-sided Eurocentric histories often suggest. The first case study analyses the inception of global civility in Henry Blount’s Voyage into the Levant (1636). In his account, Blount frequently admires Ottoman imperial achievements at the same time as he represents the powerful Islamic empire as a model that lends itself to emulation for the emerging global reach of the English nation. The next chapter explores the practice of global civility in George Keate’s Account of the Pelew Islands (1788), which tells a story of shipwreck, salvage and return. Captain Wilson and his men lost their vessel off the Palau archipelago, established mutually improving relations with the natives and after their return familiarised English readers with the Palauan world in contemporary idioms of sentiment and sensibility. Chapter four examines comparable instances of civility by discussing Henry Abbott’s A Trip…Across the Grand Desart of Arabia (1789). Abbott is convinced that the desert Arabs are civil subjects in their own right and frequently challenges both received wisdom and deeply entrenched stereotypes by describing Arabic cultural practices in great detail. The fifth chapter follows the famous pickpocket George Barrington and the housewife Mary Ann Parker, respectively, to the newly established penal colonies in Australia in the first half of the 1790s. Their accounts present a new turn on global civility by virtue of registering the presence of convicts, natives and slaves in increasingly ambivalent terms, thus illustrating how inclusive discourses start to crack under the pressures of trafficking in human lives. The next chapter explores similar discursive fractures in Charles Colville Frankland’s Travels to and from Constantinople (1829). Frankland is at once sensitive to life in the Islamic world and aggressively biased when some of its practices and traditions seem to be incommensurate with his English identity. The final case study establishes the ways in which representational ambivalences give way to a discourse of colonialism in the course of the nineteenth century by analysing F. E. Maning’s (fictional) autobiography Old New Zealand (1863). After spending his early life in the Antipodes among the Maori, Maning changes sides after the death of his native wife and becomes judge of the Native Land Court. This transition, as well as Maning’s mocking representation of the Maori, mirrors the ease with which colonisers manage their subject peoples in the age of empire and at the same time marks the evaporation of global civility’s inclusiveness. By tracing the development of global civility from its inception over its emphatic practice to its decline, the present study emphasises the improvisational complexities of cross-cultural encounters. The spaces in which they are transacted – both the sea and the beach on the one hand; and the desert on the other – encourage mutuality and reciprocity because European travellers needed local knowledge in order to be able to brave, cross or map them. The locals, in turn, acted as hosts, guides or interpreters, facilitating commercial and cultural traffic in areas whose social fabrics, environmental conditions and intertwined histories often differed decisively from the familiar realms of Europe in the long eighteenth century.