Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)

Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)

An increase in international trade has resulted in an increase in the carriage of goods by sea, which has also promoted the business of marine insurance on a very huge scale. Marine insurance contracts fall within both the admiralty jurisdiction where admiralty laws apply and special contract law where the rules and principles of contract law apply. In certain circumstance this has left the courts with a dilemma in deciding in particular cases which law should apply; whether maritime law, contract law or marine insurance law. There are certain principles under the law of contract that are said to be profound and cannot be ousted easily by substantive law. The principle of party autonomy is one of these principles and it has gained international recognition through a number of cases. However, to date, courts are faced with difficulties in deciding whether to uphold the choice of law on jurisdiction and governing law exercised by parties or resort to substantive law, either by virtue of admiralty law or any other statutes in a country, which provisions may be contrary to the clause on choice of law under the contract. In South Africa practice has shown that courts are always reluctant to apply the clause on choice of law if they believe such application is against the public policy and interest in South Africa. This begs the question as to the precise meaning and effect of “public policy and interest” and how this principle influences the long-standing and well-established principle of party autonomy in admiralty jurisdiction. This dissertation is aimed at providing a legal response to this problem by analysing case law and the different viewpoints of various writers. It is imperative to investigate if their decisions and views answer all the uncertainties with regard to the meaning and the effect of the concept of “public policy and interest” on the principle of party autonomy. / LLM (Import and Export Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

An increase in international trade has resulted in an increase in the carriage of goods by sea, which has also promoted the business of marine insurance on a very huge scale. Marine insurance contracts fall within both the admiralty jurisdiction where admiralty laws apply and special contract law where the rules and principles of contract law apply. In certain circumstance this has left the courts with a dilemma in deciding in particular cases which law should apply; whether maritime law, contract law or marine insurance law. There are certain principles under the law of contract that are said to be profound and cannot be ousted easily by substantive law. The principle of party autonomy is one of these principles and it has gained international recognition through a number of cases. However, to date, courts are faced with difficulties in deciding whether to uphold the choice of law on jurisdiction and governing law exercised by parties or resort to substantive law, either by virtue of admiralty law or any other statutes in a country, which provisions may be contrary to the clause on choice of law under the contract. In South Africa practice has shown that courts are always reluctant to apply the clause on choice of law if they believe such application is against the public policy and interest in South Africa. This begs the question as to the precise meaning and effect of “public policy and interest” and how this principle influences the long-standing and well-established principle of party autonomy in admiralty jurisdiction. This dissertation is aimed at providing a legal response to this problem by analysing case law and the different viewpoints of various writers. It is imperative to investigate if their decisions and views answer all the uncertainties with regard to the meaning and the effect of the concept of “public policy and interest” on the principle of party autonomy. / LLM (Import and Export Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Text in Afrikaans / In die studie word die ontwikkelingspad van 'n Newtoniaanse benadering na 'n ekosistemiese benadering in die denke van die navorser en lewering van pleegsorgdienste deur die maatskaplike werker/navorser, beskryf. In die beskrywing is gefokus op drie beginsels elk van die Newtoniaanse - en die ekosistemiese benaderings. Die gekose beginsels is met 'n gevallestudie geillustreer. Aan die ha d van die beginsels van die ekosistemiese benadering word 'n konsepsuele raamwerk gebied waardeur die outonomie van mense en sisteme in stand gehou en gebruik kan word. Volgens tweede orde kubernetika, is die studie die konstruksie van die navorser. Pleegsorg is 'n komplekse alternatiewe versorgingsposisie vir 'n kind en die lewering van begeleidingsdienste stel besondere eise aan die professionele persone betrokke. Hierdie studie suggereer dat pleegsorgdienste wat aan die hand van die ekosistemiese benadering gelewer word, 'n konstruksie van gedeelde verantwoordelikheid tussen al die betrokke partye voorstel. / Social Work / M. A. (Social Science: Mental Health)

Text in Afrikaans / In die studie word die ontwikkelingspad van 'n Newtoniaanse benadering na 'n ekosistemiese benadering in die denke van die navorser en lewering van pleegsorgdienste deur die maatskaplike werker/navorser, beskryf. In die beskrywing is gefokus op drie beginsels elk van die Newtoniaanse - en die ekosistemiese benaderings. Die gekose beginsels is met 'n gevallestudie geillustreer. Aan die ha d van die beginsels van die ekosistemiese benadering word 'n konsepsuele raamwerk gebied waardeur die outonomie van mense en sisteme in stand gehou en gebruik kan word. Volgens tweede orde kubernetika, is die studie die konstruksie van die navorser. Pleegsorg is 'n komplekse alternatiewe versorgingsposisie vir 'n kind en die lewering van begeleidingsdienste stel besondere eise aan die professionele persone betrokke. Hierdie studie suggereer dat pleegsorgdienste wat aan die hand van die ekosistemiese benadering gelewer word, 'n konstruksie van gedeelde verantwoordelikheid tussen al die betrokke partye voorstel. / Social Work / M. A. (Social Science: Mental Health)

By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification. / Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004. / Political Sciences / unrestricted