Nationalization and confiscation in 1945 - 1948 Abstract The main subjects of this thesis are nationalization and confiscation that took place in Czechoslovakia between 1945 and 1948. In the introductory chapters it deals with the definition of the concepts of nationalization and confiscation and their historical context. Closer attention is paid to the land reform of the First Czechoslovak Republic. The following is a description of political and economic concepts that emerged during World War II in both domestic and foreign resistence movements and in which the demands for a fundamental economic transformation of Czechoslovakia were stressed. The opinions of Edvard Beneš and the negotiations between Moscow and London exile politicians on the future Košice government program are also discussed. The following chapters deal with nationalization and confiscation in 1945, individual decrees on nationalization and confiscation are discussed, the process of their adoption, taking into account especially the government meetings. Institute of national administration, which had a very close connection to nationalization and confiscation, is delineated as well. In the period from 1946 to 1947, the main focus is on revision of the land reform of the First Czechoslovak Republic and other measures concerning land...

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Growing public awareness of corporate social responsibility (CSR), particularly corporate involvement in environmental, social, and governmental (ESG) issues, has led to extensive discussions on the factors that may influence corporate ESG performance. Prior literature has pointed out that ownership structure can be a crucial factor regarding a firm’s attitude and engagement in ESG. However, fewer studies have focused on the association between different types of ownership structures and ESG performance for countries with highly concentrated ownership of firms, such as Sweden. Therefore, it seems necessary to gain insight into how different types of ownership affect the ESG performance of firms in the Swedish context. The purpose of this study is to understand how ownership structure, and more specifically, the presence of founding, non-founding, institutional, foreign ownership, as well as the use of dual-class shares and the presence of multiple large shareholders, will affect the ESG performance of Swedish firms. The results show that controlling ownership, dual-class shares, founding-family ownership, and multiple large shareholders have a significant negative effect on a firm's ESG performance.

Forest resources are significant in Mississippi's ecology and economy, with 12.5 million acres of Non-Industrial Private Forest (NIPF). Frequent ownership changes with lower durations decrease the average parcel size. The study examined the trends of NIPF parcelization accommodating duration analysis and tax roll data to identify the length of ownerships in an eight-county study. Based on the results, lower duration of ownerships was associated with increased number of smaller parcels less than 11 acres and a substantial loss of large forests. The median duration of ownership was between 10 to 15 years and 59% were absentee NIPF owners. Duration analysis revealed the length of NIPF ownership was highly associated with the size of the forest, sawtimber price, an economic recession, and distance to the closest metropolitan city. Lower ownership durations and smaller parcels will limit economies of scale and alter the functionality and structure of the NIPFs in the future.

The organizing theme of this dissertation is media and ownership. The first and second chapters explore how media content is influenced by its ownership, using commercial media outlets in the U.S. and government-owned media in China respectively. The third chapter studies how Research and Development efficiency differs across listed firms of various ownership structures. In the first chapter, I explore what determines the media slant towards foreign nations using the 2018-2019 Sino-U.S. trade negotiation as a testing ground. Using an event study design and coverage by local U.S. newspapers, I analyze how stories about China respond to shifts in U.S. policy towards China, and how this media reaction is determined by owners' partisan affinity, controlling for readers' characteristics. I find that local newspapers with Republican-leaning owners increase the intensity of negative coverage following a shift towards hostile trade policies relative to papers of nonpartisan owners, and they decrease this slant following a conciliatory shift; the opposite is true for Democratic-leaning media owners. To address the potential endogeneity of diplomatic events, I select events that induced significant abnormal price fluctuations of trade-war-related financial securities. I further establish a causal effect of owners' preferences by exploiting mergers and acquisitions among national conglomerates as a source of variation in the political orientation of owners. These findings imply a spillover from the domestic policy in forming citizens' sentiment towards other nations: the media, as their lens to view the world, is colored by domestic political polarization. In the second chapter, I study how political competition among provincial officials affects media criticism in China. I collect news reports of local mouthpiece outlets operated by local provincial governments that at least point out the weakness of local governance from 2004 to 2017. By exploiting the semi-randomness of the pairing of the provincial governor and the party sectary, based on an established fact that bureaucrats are likely to be promoted in their third or fourth year (hereafter referred to as the examination period), I show with a DID setting that competition induces media criticism. Specifically, compared with pairs without an overlapped examination period, pairs assigned with an overlapped period 1) observe higher criticism, especially on economic improvement, during the secretary's examination period; 2) show better joint economic performance; 3) demonstrate a positive correlation between media criticism and secretaries' promotion, especially when the GDP growth rate is mediocre. The intuition can be illustrated by a principal-agent model with adverse selection. When individual signals are not observed, the secretary sends a media signal to take more credit for the joint performance. In the third chapter, we empirically investigate how state-owned firms differ from non-state-owned firms in their R&D efficiency. We estimate the economic value of invention patents granted to Chinese publicly listed firms using the stock market's responses to patent issuances, following the methodology proposed in Kogan, Papanikolaou, Seru, and Stoffman (2017). We measure the return of R&D by dividing the future patent value by current R&D expenditure, and find that the state-owned firms' R&D efficiency is higher with very low R&D intensity, and is lower for medium and high R&D intensity. This finding is robust across different specifications, with both non-parametric and parametric models.

This paper seeks to investigate why did ECOWAS’s AFISMA fail to resolve the Malian conflict between 2012 and 2013. The idea is not to go over the different challenges that ECOWAS faced in handling the Malian conflict but to instead establish the single main challenge that inhibited ECOWAS from achieving its desired goals in resolving and managing the crisis in Mali. This thesis employed the theoretical framework of neoliberal institutionalism. Methodologically, this thesis has utilised critical discourse  analysis method.  The paper will analyse data from both primary sources (i.e ECOWAS’ policy documents, United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions on the Mali crisis, AU documents, Mali’s government documents, speeches and reports) and secondary sources (i.e news articles and media reports). This paper is arguing that the reason why ECOWAS’s AFISMA failed to resolve the Malian conflict with regards to its conflict management quest in Mali is the community’s lack of ownership of its military intervention initiative in the country. In agreement with its hypothesis the paper concluded by positing that indeed the ‘reason why ECOWAS’s AFISMA failed in its conflict management quest in Mali is the community’s lack of ownership of its military intervention initiative in the country’.

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