Os entrelaçamentos de ordens legislativas envolvem o cruzamento de estruturas jurídico-políticas de diferentes níveis: internacional, transnacional, supranacional e nacional. A análise dos entrelaçamentos pela perspectiva da diplomacia parlamentar e do processo legislativo geram uma capacidade de avaliação crítica em torno se de sua legitimidade. A tese tem como tema o Poder Legislativo, um dos pilares da prática democrática da grande maioria dos Estados do século XXI, assegurando a representação no processo político. O Poder Legislativo consiste na delegação soberana e legítima de fazer a lei aplicável em um determinado território. Ainda que consolidado no âmbito das constituições nacionais, o Poder Legislativo não tem sido estudado, no plano internacional. Contudo, a crescente incorporação de normas internacionais ao nível doméstico suscita a questão da legitimidade democrática da criação dessas normas, sendo trabalhado por seus dois elementos constituintes: processo e representação legislativa. O processo legislativo é entendido como ideologia, pois mesmo como procedimento ou forma é identificado com uma estrutura de poder que prioriza certos resultados. A sua análise é aqui proposta por meio dos paralelos entre ordens legislativas nacionais e extranacionais. A representação legislativa é abordada por meio do conceito de diplomacia parlamentar, que engloba uma série desordenada de atividades e poderes de parlamentares ou processos parlamentares nas relações internacionais. Sendo assim, esse conceito será sistematizado, primeiramente por dois níveis: o nível democrático por meio de um código eleito/não-eleito; e um segundo nível por suas funções: legislativa, fiscalizadora e/ou diplomática. Como base teórica, busca-se abrigo no transconstitucionalismo e na perspectiva da teoria crítica das relações internacionais. Como método, utiliza-se uma revisão teórica com exploração de estudos de casos. Os casos evidenciam a existência de entrelaçamento de ordens legislativas em duas relações: supranacional/nacional e transnacional/nacional. Contudo, produzem resultados opostos. Enquanto a União Europeia apresenta um entrelaçamento constituído por processos transparentes, legítimos e dotados de mecanismos de participação, na relação entre suas instituições supranacionais e os Estados-membros, a lex sportiva do futebol produz um entrelaçamento opaco, ilegítimo e hermético à participação na relação da sua ordem transnacional e o processo legislativo estatal brasileiro. / The interlacements of legislatives orders involve the legal and political structures crossing of different levels : international , transnational , supranational and national . The interlacements analysis through the parliamentary diplomacy and legislative outlook generate a critical assessment capacity around its legitimacy. The thesis\' theme is the Legislative Power, one of the pillars of democratic practice of the vast majority of states in the twenty-first century, ensuring representation to the political process. The Legislative Power consists in the sovereign and legitimate delegation to making the law applicable in a given territory. Although funded in national constitutions, the Legislative Power has not been studied in international relations. However, the increasing incorporation of international law at the domestic level raises the question of the democratic legitimacy of the development of such norms. Therefore, it will be developed by its two founding concepts: process and legislative representation. The legislative process is understood as ideology, because even as a procedure or form it is identified as a structure power that prioritizes given results. Its analysis is proposed here through the parallels between national and extranational legal orders. The legislative representation is addressed through the concept of parliamentary diplomacy which includes a disorderly series of activities and powers of parliament or parliamentary procedures in international relations. Thus, this concept will be systematized by two levels: first, the democratic level with an unelected/elected code; and a second level concerning its functions: legislative, accountable and/or diplomatic. As a theoretical basis, we seek shelter in transconstitutionalism and the critical theory of international relations. As a method, it is used a theoretical review on exploration of case studies. The cases show the existence of interlacements of political orders in two relationships: supranational/national and transnational/national. However, it produces opposite results. While the European Union has an interlacement consisting, transparent, legitimate and endowed with mechanisms of participation, with the relationship between supranational institutions and their Member States, the football lex sportiva produces interlacement opaque, illegitimate and hermetic in relation to the participation of its transnational order with the Brazilian state legislative process.

Os entrelaçamentos de ordens legislativas envolvem o cruzamento de estruturas jurídico-políticas de diferentes níveis: internacional, transnacional, supranacional e nacional. A análise dos entrelaçamentos pela perspectiva da diplomacia parlamentar e do processo legislativo geram uma capacidade de avaliação crítica em torno se de sua legitimidade. A tese tem como tema o Poder Legislativo, um dos pilares da prática democrática da grande maioria dos Estados do século XXI, assegurando a representação no processo político. O Poder Legislativo consiste na delegação soberana e legítima de fazer a lei aplicável em um determinado território. Ainda que consolidado no âmbito das constituições nacionais, o Poder Legislativo não tem sido estudado, no plano internacional. Contudo, a crescente incorporação de normas internacionais ao nível doméstico suscita a questão da legitimidade democrática da criação dessas normas, sendo trabalhado por seus dois elementos constituintes: processo e representação legislativa. O processo legislativo é entendido como ideologia, pois mesmo como procedimento ou forma é identificado com uma estrutura de poder que prioriza certos resultados. A sua análise é aqui proposta por meio dos paralelos entre ordens legislativas nacionais e extranacionais. A representação legislativa é abordada por meio do conceito de diplomacia parlamentar, que engloba uma série desordenada de atividades e poderes de parlamentares ou processos parlamentares nas relações internacionais. Sendo assim, esse conceito será sistematizado, primeiramente por dois níveis: o nível democrático por meio de um código eleito/não-eleito; e um segundo nível por suas funções: legislativa, fiscalizadora e/ou diplomática. Como base teórica, busca-se abrigo no transconstitucionalismo e na perspectiva da teoria crítica das relações internacionais. Como método, utiliza-se uma revisão teórica com exploração de estudos de casos. Os casos evidenciam a existência de entrelaçamento de ordens legislativas em duas relações: supranacional/nacional e transnacional/nacional. Contudo, produzem resultados opostos. Enquanto a União Europeia apresenta um entrelaçamento constituído por processos transparentes, legítimos e dotados de mecanismos de participação, na relação entre suas instituições supranacionais e os Estados-membros, a lex sportiva do futebol produz um entrelaçamento opaco, ilegítimo e hermético à participação na relação da sua ordem transnacional e o processo legislativo estatal brasileiro. / The interlacements of legislatives orders involve the legal and political structures crossing of different levels : international , transnational , supranational and national . The interlacements analysis through the parliamentary diplomacy and legislative outlook generate a critical assessment capacity around its legitimacy. The thesis\' theme is the Legislative Power, one of the pillars of democratic practice of the vast majority of states in the twenty-first century, ensuring representation to the political process. The Legislative Power consists in the sovereign and legitimate delegation to making the law applicable in a given territory. Although funded in national constitutions, the Legislative Power has not been studied in international relations. However, the increasing incorporation of international law at the domestic level raises the question of the democratic legitimacy of the development of such norms. Therefore, it will be developed by its two founding concepts: process and legislative representation. The legislative process is understood as ideology, because even as a procedure or form it is identified as a structure power that prioritizes given results. Its analysis is proposed here through the parallels between national and extranational legal orders. The legislative representation is addressed through the concept of parliamentary diplomacy which includes a disorderly series of activities and powers of parliament or parliamentary procedures in international relations. Thus, this concept will be systematized by two levels: first, the democratic level with an unelected/elected code; and a second level concerning its functions: legislative, accountable and/or diplomatic. As a theoretical basis, we seek shelter in transconstitutionalism and the critical theory of international relations. As a method, it is used a theoretical review on exploration of case studies. The cases show the existence of interlacements of political orders in two relationships: supranational/national and transnational/national. However, it produces opposite results. While the European Union has an interlacement consisting, transparent, legitimate and endowed with mechanisms of participation, with the relationship between supranational institutions and their Member States, the football lex sportiva produces interlacement opaque, illegitimate and hermetic in relation to the participation of its transnational order with the Brazilian state legislative process.

La dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne, entendue comme la place occupée par le Parlement européen et par les parlements nationaux des Etats membres en tant qu’acteurs de l’action extérieure, se déploie à deux niveaux. Elle s’exprime tout d’abord, au sein de l’Union, à travers l’exercice des pouvoirs parlementaires octroyés par les traités (et le cas échéant par les droits constitutionnels nationaux), et ce de façon incontestable. Elle s’exprime ensuite sur la scène internationale au travers de multiples actions de diplomatie parlementaire, en l’absence de cadre juridique érigé par les traités, et ce de façon ambiguë. Dans l’un comme dans l’autre cas, la dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure apparaît comme un atout, mais sous conditions, pour la poursuite de l’objectif d’affirmation de l’Union sur la scène internationale. Elle est en effet, en principe, un atout pour la légitimité démocratique de l’action de l’Union et pour la cohérence matérielle de l’action extérieure. Néanmoins, dans la pratique, cet atout demande à être confirmé. Afin d’être un atout effectif, la dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure de l’UE suppose, à cet égard, d’assurer une conciliation harmonieuse de la légitimité démocratique de l’action de l’UE avec l’affirmation de l’Union sur la scène internationale. La quête de cette conciliation conduit à la formulation de réponses – réalisées ou réalisables – qui suivent un mouvement distinct selon l’espace d’expression des parlements. Lorsque le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux agissent au sein de l’Union, les solutions résident dans la réalisation de multiples adaptations à partir du cadre juridique et institutionnel érigé par les traités. Ces adaptations, qui restent perfectibles, expliquent que la dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure soit aujourd’hui encore un processus en construction. Lorsque le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux agissent sur la scène internationale, les solutions résident dans la structuration d’un cadre juridique global, les règles juridiques existantes étant pour l’heure parcellaires et incomplètes. En définitive, l’action extérieure de l’Union s’enrichit d’une dimension parlementaire qui suppose, au sein de l’Union, d’approfondir les multiples adaptations réalisées à partir du cadre juridique existant et, sur la scène internationale, de structurer un cadre juridique global pour l’heure inexistant. / The parliamentary dimension of the European Union’s External Action, to be understood as the involvement of the European Parliament and of the National Parliaments of EU Member States as actors of the External Action, is rolled out on two levels. Firstly, it is undoubtedly articulated within the European Union, through the exercise of parliamentary powers conferred by the treaties (and, where appropriate, by national constitutional Law). Secondly, it is ambiguously articulated on the international scene through various parliamentary diplomatic actions, without any legal framework set up by the treaties. In both cases, the parliamentary dimension of the External Action appears to be an asset, but under conditions, for the assertion of the European Union on the international scene. It is, in principle, an asset for the democratic legitimacy of the EU’s Action and for the coherence of the External Action. However, it needs to be confirmed in practice. In order to be a truly effective asset, the parliamentary dimension of the EU’s External Action requires reconciling the democratic legitimacy of the EU’s Action with the assertion of the European Union on the international scene. The quest for this conciliation leads to different answers – effective or desirable – which follow a particular pattern depending on the parliaments’ “area of expression”. When the European Parliament and the National Parliaments act within the EU, these answers consist of multiple adaptations of the legal and institutional framework established by the treaties. These adaptations, which are still imperfect, can explain why the parliamentary dimension of the External Action is still a process under construction. When the European Parliament and the National Parliaments act on the international scene, the solutions consist of the structuring of a comprehensive legal framework, since the existing legal rules remain piecemeal and incomplete. Eventually, the EU’s External Action is enriched by a parliamentary dimension which implies deepening, inside the EU, the multiple adaptations achieved from the existing legal framework, and which implies structuring, on the international scene, a global legal framework, which is missing for the moment.

Diploma thesis "The Czech Senate and its role in international relations of the Czech Republic" deals with the Czech Senate, its style of functioning and influence on international relations of the Czech Republic, with special attention to the relation between the Czech Republic and European Union. First, we shall deal with the role of the Senate in the international relations of the Czech Republic, as regards the relations between The Czech Senate and European Union and parliamentary diplomacy as well. After that will come our empirical research. We shall deal with the same questions as in the previous part, however, we will use a different method and compare the results of our research with concepts introduced in the theoretical part. As a result, we will identify the differences between theoretical possibilities of the Senate in this area and its real working. In the part about the style of the Senate, first, we shall show the style of functioning of the Senate according to the chosen literature. We will be interested in the following questions: the atmosphere in the Senate, the relations among senators, hierarchy of the senators and particular committees. In more detail we will focus on two committees, the Committee on EU Affairs and the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security. One...

Au sortir de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les Coréens représentaient la première communauté étrangère au Japon. Beaucoup d’entre eux y subissait des discriminations et vivaient dans la précarité, voire dans l’indigence. Dans la deuxième moitié des années 1950, alors que les dirigeants nord-Coréens se proposaient de les accueillir, le rapatriement en Corée du Nord représenta pour nombre de ces Coréens l’espoir d’un avenir meilleur. De 1959 à 1984, plus de 93000 personnes – dont environs 2000 Japonaises mariées à des Coréens – gagnèrent le Nord du 38e parallèle. Toutefois, le gouvernement japonais, confronté dès 1974 aux demandes des familles de ces Japonaises, tenta d’obtenir des informations sur leur sort et leur retour au Japon. Le présent travail établit une cartographie des acteurs impliqués dans le processus décisionnel autour des rapatriements vers la Corée du Nord, mais également dans les négociations touchant à la question de ces femmes japonaises. Plus particulièrement, cette étude met en lumière le rôle d’ « acteurs subsidiaires » – notamment la Société de la Croix-Rouge du Japon et les parlementaires nationaux – intervenant là où les marges de manœuvre du gouvernement sont restreintes en l’absence de relations diplomatiques officielles entre le Japon et la Corée du Nord. Cette contrainte institutionnelle a eu pour conséquence l’investissement des champs d’action traditionnellement dévolus au Ministère des Affaires étrangères (négociation, protection de ses nationaux à l’étranger, renseignement) par ces « acteurs subsidiaires » dont l’analyse permet d’établir une image à la fois plus complète et moins stato-Centrée de la politique étrangère du Japon. / At the end of the Second World War, Koreans constituted the main foreign community in Japan. Many of them were subjected to discrimination, and lived precariously or even in abject poverty. From the latter half of the 1950s, when North Korean leaders were welcoming them and guaranteeing them decent living conditions, repatriation to North Korea represented hope for a better future for many of these Koreans. Between 1959 and 1984, more than 93,000 people – of whom 2,000 were Japanese women married to Koreans – arrived at the 38th Parallel North. Nevertheless, the Japanese government, confronted by requests from the families of these Japanese women from 1974, tried to obtain information on their whereabouts, and asked for their return to Japan. The present work establishes a mapping of the actors implicated in the decision-Making process concerning repatriation operations to North Korea, but also in the negotiations retated to the Japanese women. More specifically, this study highlights the role of the “subsidiary actors” – of which the Japanese Red Cross and national parliaments are the most prominent – those that intervened where the government’s margins for manoeuvring were narrow in the absence of official diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea. This institutional constraint led to an investment in fields of action that had traditionally been relegated to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (negotiation, protection of nationals abroad, intelligence, etc.) by these “subsidiary actors”, and a subsequent analysis of these actors provided both a more complete and less state-Centred image of Japan’s foreign policy.

L’action extérieure du Parlement écossais est l’objet de notre étude. D’abord, nous avons identifié la capacité opérationnelle de cette institution au sein du système institutionnel britannique, sur la scène communautaire et dans les échanges internationaux. Puis, nous avons détecté les facteurs structurant cette action. Selon notre étude, trois pôles prennent forme dans l’action parlementaire tels que les îles Britanniques, l’Europe qui couvre l’espace géographique européen, l’environnement institutionnel communautaire. Enfin, le troisième pôle est l’espace hors d’Europe, notamment les pays du Commonwealth et les Etats-Unis d’Amérique. Nous avons également établi une certaine spécialisation des méthodes et des moyens d’action dans les trois pôles évoqués. / The focus of my dissertation is the external action of the Scottish Parliament. My study identifies the operational capacity of this institution within the British institutional system, on the European Union arena and in international relations. I have identified the factors structuring the parliamentary action that shaped three poles such as the British Isles, Europe and outside the geographic European space. The pole of Europe covers both Continental Europe and the EC institutional environment. I have also identified the specialisation of methods and tools of action within the above mentioned poles

Comment des partis politiques dans l'Union Européenne se coordonnent-ils au sein de la même 'famille' politique ? Cette question est traitée sur quatre différentes dimensions : les élections directes au Parlement européen ; le développement des fédérations européennes de partis ; les activités diplomatiques des groupes parlementaires au Parlement européen ; la coordination interparlementaire verticale. Le résultat principal de cette thèse est que les partis politiques dans l'UE n'ont qu'un interêt limité à une coordination transnationale avec d'autres partis issus de la même famille politique et utilisent cette coordination plutôt afin d'obtenir des ressources au niveau national. La coordination transnationale de partis reste confiné au sein du Parlement européen et son environnement institutionnel bruxellois avec une influence limitée sur les organisations nationales de partis. / How political parties in the European Union coordinate beyond national borders with other parties of the same party 'family' ? I examine this question from four different dimensions : the direct elections to the European Parliament; the development of transnational party federations; diplomatic activities of the European Parliament’s political groups vis-à-vis third countries; and vertical intra-parliamentary coordination. The main finding is that political parties in the EU have only limited interest in genuine transnational coordination, and generally use such coordination instrumentally, in order to gain certain resources in domestic politics. Parties' transnational coordination in the EU remains confined to the European Parliament institutional setting and thus has limited impact on the national party organisations at large.

Les échecs successifs des partenariats et tentatives de coopération dans la zone méditerranéenne ont montré les limites aux modèles diplomatiques employés jusqu’à présent et ont révélé le besoin de renouveler la participation des divers acteurs en présence. Dès lors, il s’est agi de déplacer le centre de gravité de l’activité diplomatique en Méditerranée afin d’élaborer un modèle de « diplomatie collective durable », par lequel la région pourrait servir de vecteur de modélisation pour les régionalisations actuelles ou futures, seules véritables réponses à une mondialisation croissante. Par le biais de l’analyse historique et contemporaine de l’exercice de la diplomatie ainsi que de l’évolution de la définition de la politique étrangère et grâce à l’exposé de l’effervescence intellectuelle autour de l’ouverture de l’activité diplomatique à des acteurs non gouvernementaux, il a été permis de présenter l’articulation entre les notions de diplomatie et de Société civile dans l’histoire et dans la théorie et d’en exposer les manifestations sur le terrain de la zone méditerranéenne. De ces manifestations, il a été conclu à un véritable état de fait de la diplomatie des Sociétés civiles. Face à cette phénoménologie de la diplomatie des Sociétés civiles dans les relations internationales, encouragée par les instances supranationales notamment, a été étudiée l’existence de l’insertion formelle de la Société civile dans l’ordre international afin d’envisager les divers fondements juridiques de sa participation. Dès lors, des textes internationaux ont servi aux recherches et ont permis de retracer l’évolution des relations internationales initialement exclusivement statocentrées mais qui se sont progressivement ouvertes à de nouveaux acteurs. Par ailleurs, il a été essentiel de procéder à la détermination du sujet de cette insertion à l’ordre juridique international et d’identifier l’existence d’une « Société civile internationale », simple acteur des relations internationales ou véritable sujet de droit international. Étant donnée la particularité de la région étudiée et les nécessités spécifiques qui en découlent, la zone a révélé un vrai potentiel afin d’intégrer voire d’institutionnaliser ce renouvellement diplomatique. Véritable modélisation régionale, la Méditerranée pourrait servir de laboratoire aux propositions contenues dans la thèse et qui tendraient à faire d’elle une zone pacifiée et stabilisée. / The consecutive failures of the successive cooperation and partnerships in the Mediterranean region have shown the limitations of the current diplomatic models and has also revealed the need to renew the participation of various actors on the international stage. Therefore, the dissertation has aimed to move the center of gravity of the diplomatic activity in the Mediterranean (mainly intergovernmental) in order to develop a model of “collective sustainable diplomacy” by which the region could serve as a model for current or future regionalizations, sole real answers to the increasing globalization. Through historical and contemporary analysis of the practice of diplomacy by civil societies and also through the presentation of the intellectual ferment allowing the expansion of diplomacy to non-state actors, it has been possible to show the signs of an existing diplomacy by these actors on the Mediterranean field. Facing this phenomenon of a less intergovernmental diplomacy, greatly encouraged by supranational organizations, we studied the existence of its formal insertion in the international legal order and presented various legal bases of the participation of civil societies to the diplomatic process. This analysis revealed the lack of a legal status of the so-called “international civil society” and highlighted the denial by the states of an official diplomatic action of this actor. This conclusion led to elaborate a Mediterranean model of action, integrating all stakeholders for a more collective and thus, sustainable diplomacy. Given the peculiarity and special needs of the study area, the Mediterranean has revealed a real potential to integrate, nay, institutionalize this diplomatic renewal. As a real regional modeling, the Mediterranean region could be used as a laboratory for the proposals contained in the dissertation, which could tend to make it a pacified and stabilized region.