Cette étude examine la relation entre renforcement de la souveraineté de l'Etat angolais et l'action des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) dans les initiatives pour le développement rural de l'Angola, après la fin du conflit armé, en 2002. Dans les années 90, l'ouverture du pays au multipartisme et la mise en oeuvre de l'accord de paix entre le gouvernement angolais et les forces militaires de l'UNITA ont mis fin au conflit qui a suivi l’indépendance, et ont commencé un processus de redressement et de reconstruction d’aprés-guerre. Dans ce contexte, différentes forces politiques et sociales émergèrent en l’Angola et, simultanément, de plusieurs institutions et organisations internationales ainsi que institutions religieuses liées à des questions d'aide humanitaire d'urgence et de l'aprèsguerre se sont établies dans le pays. Ces organisations ont commencé à développer des actions en faveur des populations les plus vulnérables, en particulier en milieu rural. La fin de la guerre en 2002 a donné lieu à un processus de réarrangement entre les différents acteurs de la réalité sociale angolaise, tandis que dans le contexte international, les flux financiers visant à l'aides humanitaire et de développement ont été l'objet d'importants changements.. Le nouveau contexte, en contrepartie, a permis l'expansion des agences gouvernementales dans les régions rurales du pays qui étaient jusque-là en dehors du contrôle de l'Etat. Cela a a permis de renforcer progressivement la souveraineté et le contrôle de l'Etat sur les populations et les zones rurales, notamment par le biais de programmes et projets de développement rural, parfois en partenariat avec d'autres acteurs du développement comme les ONG. Cette thèse est proposé d'étudier la relation supposée entre le renforcement de la souveraineté de l'Etat sur les zones rurales et le rôle des ONG dans ces régions. La recherche visait à comprendre, en particulier: quel genre de relations sont établies entre les ONG, les agriculteurs, les organismes gouvernementaux et d'autres agents liés aux questions rurales? Comment ces relations influencent le renforcement de la souveraineté dans les processus de construction de l'État en Angola? Les programmes et projets d’ONGs visant au développement rural souvent ont précédé la présence de l'État dans les communautés rurales, en se positionnant comme une «agence» qui précède l'action des organes de l'administration de l'Etat dans la campagne. A travers l'examen de deux projets de développement rural coordonnés par des ONG et un programme de crédit agricole du gouvernement, nous avons cherché à comprendre le réseau des relations qui existent dans les processus de développement rural, ainsi que des discontinuités dans les perceptions des différents acteurs et les interactions entre les forces et les intérêts endogène et exogène, et la marge de manoeuvre des différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus. La recherche a indiqué que les processus d’intervention pour le développement socio-économique dans les régions rurales portent des tensions fondamentales: l'arrivée des organes de l'administration publique a les communautés et les zones rurales se produit souvent à la suite des projets des ONG, bien que cela ne signifie pas nécessairement renforcer la souveraineté paysan et populaire dans la conduite des programmes et projets en cours; le financement public destiné aux activités rurales ont privilégié l'agro-industrie au détriment de l'amélioration des capacités des agriculteurs pour construire une vie plus satisfaisante pour eux-mêmes ; la fin de la guerre a ramené, dans les zones rurales, les intérêts élitistes qui lient les élites nationales à des intérêts internationaux visant à l'obtention de biens et de ressources ruraux telles que de vastes étendues de terres rurales. Parmi les différents médiateurs, la défense de la souveraineté communautaire constitue également un champ de bataille où les intérêts liés aux élites politiques et économiques (nationaux ou étrangers) sont plus susceptibles de réussir. / O presente estudo analisa a relação existente entre o aumento da soberania do Estado angolano e a ação das organizações não governamentais (ONGs) nas iniciativas voltadas ao desenvolvimento rural em Angola, após o fim do conflito armado, que o país alcançou em 2002. No começo dos anos 90, a abertura do país ao sistema multipartidário e a concretização do acordo de paz entre o governo angolano e as forças militares da UNITA, puseram fim aos anos de conflito pós-independência e deram início a um processo de recuperação e reconstrução pós-bélica. Neste contexto, emergiram em Angola diferentes forças políticas e sociais internas e, simultaneamente, estabeleceram-se no país diversas agências e organizações internacionais e instituições religiosas ligadas a questões de ajuda humanitária, emergencial e a processos de recuperação pós-bélica, que passaram a desenvolver ações de apoio às populações mais vulneráveis, especialmente as rurais. Em 2002, o fim da guerra deu origem a processos de reposicionamento dos diferentes atores da realidade social angolana, ao mesmo tempo em que no contexto internacional observaramse mudanças nos fluxos financeiros da ajuda internacional humanitária e para o desenvolvimento. O novo contexto oportunizou o avanço dos órgãos governamentais a regiões do país até então fora do controle do Estado, possibilitando o aumento gradual da soberania e do controle do Estado sobre populações e territórios rurais, particularmente através de programas e projetos de desenvolvimento rural, por vezes em parceria com outros agentes de desenvolvimento, com as ONGs. Este tese se propôs investigar a possível relação entre o crescimento da soberania do Estado sobre as áreas rurais e a ação das ONGs nessas regiões. A pesquisa buscou entender, particularmente: que tipo de relações se estabelecem entre ONGs, camponeses, órgãos governamentais e demais agentes relacionados às questões rurais? De que maneira estas relações influenciam o crescimento da soberania nos processos de construção do Estado em Angola? Os programas e projetos das ONGs de desenvolvimento rural, muitas vezes, anteciparam-se à presença do Estado junto às populações rurais, posicionando-se como um “braço avançado” que precede a atuação dos órgãos da administração estatal no rural. Através do exame de dois projetos de desenvolvimento rural coordenados por ONGs e de um programa governamental de crédito agrícola, buscou-se entender a trama de relações existentes nos processos de desenvolvimento rural, as descontinuidades nas percepções dos diferentes atores e as interações entre forças e interesses endógenos e exógenos, bem como as margens de manobra dos diferentes atores envolvidos nesses processos. A pesquisa permitiu concluir que os processos de intervenção socioeconômica no meio rural comportam algumas tensões básicas: a chegada dos órgãos de administração estatal junto das populações e territórios rurais ocorre, muitas vezes através das ONGs, embora isto não implique, necessariamente, aumento da soberania camponesa e popular na condução dos programas e projetos em curso; os financiamentos públicos voltados para o meio rural têm privilegiado as atividades de agronegócio, em detrimento da capacitação dos camponeses para construírem vidas mais satisfatórias para si; o fim da guerra trouxe de volta ao meio rural interesses elitistas que vinculam grupos e elites nacionais a interesses internacionais voltados para a obtenção de ativos e recursos rurais como amplas extensões de terra. Entre os diferentes mediadores, a defesa da soberania comunitária também se constitui numa arena de luta na qual, os interesses ligados às elites políticas e econômicas (nacionais ou externas) têm mais chances de serem bem sucedidos. / This study examines the relationship between the strengthening of state sovereignty and the action by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through rural development initiatives in Angola, after the end of the armed conflict, attained in 2002. The political opening conducted in the country in the early '90s, which allowed for a multiparty system, and the implementation of the peace agreement between the Angolan government and the UNITA military forces have put an end to years of post-independence conflicts and started up a process of post-war recovery and reconstruction. In this context, various political and social forces have emerged in Angola. Concurrently, many international agencies, NGOs and religious institutions aimed at humanitarian and emergency aid and at post-war recovery have set offices in the country and began to develop actions in support of the most vulnerable populations, especially rural people. The end of the war, in 2002, gave rise to a process of rearrangement among the different actors of the Angolan social reality, whereas, in the international context, the financial flows aimed at humanitarian and development aid were undergoing significant changes. The new context, however, allowed for the expansion of government agencies to the rural regions of the country which were hitherto outside the control of the state. This has made room for gradual strengthening of both sovereignty and state control over populations and rural areas, particularly by means of rural development programs and projects, sometimes in partnership with other development actors such as NGOs. This thesis has proposed to investigate the hypothesized relationship between the strengthening of sovereignty and state control upon rural areas and the role of NGOs in these regions. The research sought to understand, particularly: what kind of relationships are established between NGOs, farmers, government agencies and other agents related to rural issues? How these relationships influence the growth of sovereignty in the processes of state-building in Angola? The programs and projects of NGOs aimed at rural development often preceded the presence of the state in rural communities, positioning itself as a “branch office” that precedes the action of the organs of state administration in the country. Through the analysis of two rural development projects coordinated by NGOs and a government-led agricultural credit program, it was sought to understand the network of relationships that exist in rural development processes, as well as the discontinuities in the perceptions of distinct actors and the interactions between both the endogenous and exogenous forces and interests, and the room for maneuver of the different actors involved in these processes. Research findings pointed that the processes of socio-economic intervention in the rural comprise some fundamental tensions: the establishment of state entities in rural areas often occurs in the wake of NGOs projects, although this does not necessarily imply increasing peasant and people’s sovereignty in the coordination of ongoing programs and projects; the public funding aimed at rural activities have focused agribusiness at the expense of improving farmers’ capabilities for building more satisfying lives for themselves; the end of the war brought back to the rural zones those elitist interests that link national elites to international interests aimed at obtaining rural assets and resources such as vast tracts of rural land. Among the different mediators, the defense of community sovereignty also constitutes an arena of struggle in which the interests linked to political and economic elites (domestic or foreign) are more likely to be successful.

Esta tese analisa a política de crédito fundiário no Ceará, posta em prática pelos governos estadual e federal em parceria com o Banco Mundial a partir de 1996. A forma pela qual o Estado foi levado a dar início e desenvolver a “reforma agrária de mercado” no Ceará, recoloca problemas importantes: a questão da reforma agrária e o acesso à terra pelos sem terra, o problema da estrutura fundiária no Ceará, no Nordeste, e em outras regiões. Simultaneamente, repõe o problema da “adaptação” de moradores de condição, parceiros, rendeiros e migrantes temporários ao mercado capitalista. A reflexão sobre a contra-reforma agrária do Banco Mundial e os camponeses passa pela discussão acerca do desenvolvimento territorial contraditório, desigual e combinado, desenvolvido no interior da Geografia agrária. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir de um estudo transversal realizado em oito assentamentos criados a partir dos projetos São José e Cédula da Terra, partes constitutivas da denominada “reforma agrária de mercado” no Ceará. A implementação da “reforma agrária de mercado” no Ceará, tem significado a reativação do mercado de terras contribuindo para a ampliação das relações, especificamente capitalistas no campo como a apropriação da renda capitalizada da terra por proprietários de terras rentistas. Os assentamentos como frações do território conquistadas se constituíram com base na propriedade familiar que é uma forma de propriedade diferente da propriedade privada capitalista. A apropriação familiar e o desenvolvimento de formas de trabalho como o individual (familiar), a prática de ajuda mútua, o uso comum da terra e o trabalho coletivo revelam a ocorrência de formas alternativas para a propriedade privada imposta pelo Estado. Existe, portanto, um sério conflito entre o regime de propriedade privada implementado sob a lógica de mercado do Estado e a concepção de propriedade familiar reproduzida pelos camponeses e legitimada com o apoio dos movimentos sociais e das entidades camponesas em luta pela reforma agrária no país. / This thesis analyzes the agrarian credit policy in Ceará, put into practice by the State and Federal Governments in partnership with the World Bank since 1996. The reason which led the State government begin and develop the “market agrarian reform” in Ceará, puts back important problems: the agrarian reform problem and the land access to the landless peasantry, the agrarian structural problem in Ceará, in the northeast and in other areas. Simultaneously, replaces the “adaptation” problem of the condition dwellers, partners, tenant farmers and temporary migrants to the capitalist market. The reflection on the agrarian counter-reformation of Wold Bank and the peasants passes by the discussion concerning the contradictory, unequal and combined territorial development, developed inside the agrarian Geography. The research was developed from a transversal study accomplished in eight settlements created from the São José and Cédula da Terra projects, constituent parts of the denominated “market agrarian reform” in Ceará. The implementation of the “market agrarian reform” in Ceará, has meant the land market reactivation contributing to the enlargement of the relationships, specifically capitalists in the countryside as the appropriation of the capitalized income of the land by landowners of the rentable land. The settlements as fractions of the conquered territory have been constituted based on the family property that is a property form different from the capitalist private property. The family appropriation and the development in labor ways as the individual (family), the practice of mutual help, the land common use and the collective labor reveals the occurrence of alternative ways for the private property imposed by the State Government. There is, therefore, a serious conflict between the private property regime implemented under the State market logic and the conception of family property reproduced by the peasants and legitimated by the social movements and from the peasant entities support that fight for the agrarian reform in the country.

Dans un contexte de foisonnement des circuits courts de proximité, les enjeux de qualité invitent à déplacer la focale géographique, de produits spécifiques caractérisés par leur origine vers des produits ordinaires caractérisés par leur provenance. Se pose alors la question des modalités d’attachement de ces produits ordinaires aux milieux géographiques. À la fois aliments du quotidien et éléments de matériel végétal communs, les pommes et les pommes de terre permettent d’aborder les enjeux de reconnexion entre agriculture et alimentation autour de la notion de système agri-alimentaire territorial. Sur trois espaces de moyenne montagne – en France (Ardèche, Bauges) et en Italie (Ligurie) – cette thèse propose une analyse des trajectoires de dix collectifs passant par des phases de controverses qui les conduisent à se tourner vers des dispositifs de qualification plus souples que les indications géographiques. Conservant des logiques d’enracinement inspirées d’une rhétorique du terroir, ils ne versent pas pour autant dans le modèle des circuits courts de proximité, et maintiennent pour la plupart la question variétale au cœur de leurs préoccupations. La thèse montre que cette dernière ne peut être traitée à l’échelle des territoires qu’à condition d’envisager la production alimentaire de manière intégrée, c’est-à-dire en impliquant une diversité d’acteurs, capables de concevoir dans un même mouvement différentes étapes de qualification, de la gestion du matériel végétal à la consommation des aliments. L’émergence et la viabilisation de tels systèmes agri-alimentaires territoriaux ouvrent des débats politiques, et posent la question des modalités de l’action publique pour favoriser de tels dispositifs, dont on observe qu’ils tiennent principalement à des figures individuelles et à des lieux de médiation. / In a context of proliferation of short supply chains, issues of quality invite a shift in geographical focus, moving from specific products characterized by their origin to ordinary products characterized by their provenance. This shift raises the question of the modalities of attachment that these common products have to geographical areas. Everyday foods and common plant materials such as apples and potatoes allow for particular discussion around the issues concerning the reconnection of agriculture and food, specifically around the concept of territorial agri-food systems. Looking at three medium mountain areas - in France (Ardèche, Bauges) and Italy (Liguria) - this thesis proposes an analysis of the trajectories of ten different food collectives through the varying phases of controversy that are driving them towards qualification devices which are more flexible than purely geographical indications. Maintaining the logic of 'rooting', inspired by a territorial rhetoric, the collectives do not fall into the short supply chains model, and maintain, for the most part, the varietal question at the heart of their concerns. This thesis shows that this varietal question can only be treated at the territorial level if we consider the production of food as integrated. That is to say, involving a variety of stakeholders, capable of designing various stages of qualification in the same movement, from plant material management to food consumption. The emergence and realizable qualities of these territorial agri-food systems incite political debate, and raise the question of the public action modalities to promote these devices, which we notice are mainly due to individuals and places of mediation.

Cette thèse démontre l’existence de l’agriculture comme une activité importantedu peuple mapuche à travers l’histoire, avant la conquête espagnole jusqu’auXXIème siècle. La recherche démontre la capacité des Mapuche à résister etcombattre des ennemis puissants et féroceset également l’intelligenteadaptation à toutes les invasions étrangères, même celles de l’Etat Chilien. Lathèse montre les changements dans l’agriculture et la capacité du peuplemapuche à innover, depuis l’invasion des incas au XVème siècle, la conquêtedes espagnols du XVIème au XIXème siècle et l’occupation chilienne jusqu’auXXIème siècle. Au moment de la conquête espagnole, les Mapuche étaient unpeuple en pleine sédentarisation qui occupait un territoire de façon autonome.Les communautés peuplaient des terrains délimités et pratiquaient uneagriculture de subsistance culturelle, en plus de la cueillette, de la pêche et dela chasse. Selon les concepts de culture de UNESCO (2003), Taylor (1977) etla civilisation de Braudel (1966,1968,1970)), les Mapuches possédaient uneculture et une civilisation.La société était organisée en groupes de lignéesmatricielles, ils avaient une cosmovision, une culture et une organisationsociale. Pendant la colonie, ils adoptent et s’approprient les technologieseuropéennes, ils développent un élevage puissant qui s’étend à la pampaargentine. Cette activité génère un échange commercial puissant et diversifiéentre le territoire mapuche et le Royaume du Chili, fait de produits animaux,d’objets manufacturés et de produits alimentaires. L’échange était défavorableaux Mapuche et dut être régulé par des traités. La République commence àreconnaitre les territoires mapuche, mais ensuite, pour des raisons d’expansionéconomique, elle les envahit à feu et à sang. Les Mapuche résistent mais sontmis en déroute par l’armée chilienne, qui a gagné la guerre du Pacifique. LesMapuches commencent le XXème siècle spoliés de 95% de leurs terres, depresque tout leur élevage puissant, de leurs biens capitaux, des machines, deséquipements, des charrues, des semences et des plantations. Mais surtout ilssont exclus, mis en ségrégation et confrontés à des stratégies d’assimilation etd’extermination. Ils meurent d’inanition, de maladies et d’épidémies. C’est à cemoment qu’est générée la vraie dette historique de l’Etat du Chili envers lesmapuche. Les Réformes Agraireset particulièrement celles de l’Unité Populaire(1970-1973) soulèvent le problème des terres usurpées, elles proposent etmettent en oeuvre des solutions, que la dictature militaire (1973-1990) annule.La Concertation pour la Démocratie (1990-2010) reconnait les spécificités dupeuple mapuche et résout une partie des conflits pour la terre. Actuellement, lesmapuche de la campagne sont confrontés à de puissantes stratégiesd’assimilation et d’extermination de leur culture, cependant au niveau descommunautés rurales, on observe la capacité manifeste du peuple mapuche às’adapter aux changements, résister et imposer les termes de base desconditions nécessaires pour se reconstruire comme peuple originaire du Chili. / This thesis demonstrates that, throughout history, before the Spanish conquestuntil the 21st Century, agriculture has been an important activity of the mapuchepeople. Research conducted points out the ability of the mapuche to resist andbattle against powerful and ferocious foes, and in addition, their intelligentadaptation to foreign invasions, including that of the State of Chile. The thesisdemonstrates the changes that took place in agriculture and the ability of themapuche people to innovate, since the Inca invasion in the 15th century, theSpanish conquest through the 16 to 19th centuries, and the Chilean occupationthat extends reaching the 21st century. At the start of the Spanish conquest,mapuches constituted people that autonomously occupied a territory, were fullysedentary, communities populated clearly delimited areas, and conductedagriculture of cultural subsistence, in addition to harvesting native vegetation,fishing and hunting. Society was matricially organized by lineages, by groups,had a cosmic view, culture and social organization. During the Colony, theyadopt and appropriate European technology, develop a powerful animalhusbandry that extends through the Argentinian pampa; this activity generates astrong and diversified commercial exchange between the mapuche territory andthe Kingdom of Chile, of animal products, handicrafts and food products.Exchange was unfavorable for the mapuche and had to be regulated throughparliaments. The Chilean Republic at first recognized the mapuche territories,but later, for reasons of economic expansion, occupies them through war.Mapuches resist and are defeated by the Chilean army that had recently wonthe Pacific Ocean War against Peru and Bolivia. The mapuche enter the 20thcentury deprived of 95% of their territory, almost the total of their powerfulanimal husbandry, their capital goods, machinery, equipment, annual andperennial crops. But above all, they are excluded, segregated, faced withassimilation and extermination strategies, they die from hunger, diseases andpests. The real historical debt of the State of Chile with the mapuche generatesat that point. Agrarian reforms, in particular that of the Popular Unity (1970-73)political government faces the problem of usurped lands and initiates solutions,later reversed by the Military Government (1973-90). Concertation forDemocracy governments (1990-2010), recognizes the specificities of themapuche people and partially solves land conflicts. At present, rural mapucheface powerful strategies of assimilation and cultural extermination; however, atthe rural communities’ level, the ability of the mapuche people to adapt tochanges, adequate, resist, and impose the basic terms of the conditionsnecessary to reconstruct themselves as a Chilean original people has becomeclearly evident. / Esta tesis demuestra la existencia de la agricultura como actividad importantedel pueblo mapuche a través de la historia antes de la conquista hasta el sigloXXI. La investigación demuestra la capacidad de los mapuches para resistir ycombatir a enemigos poderosos y feroces y además la inteligente adaptación atodas las irrupciones extranjeras incluidas las del Estado de Chile. La tesismuestra los cambios en la agricultura y la capacidad del pueblo mapuche parainnovar, desde la invasión de los incas en el siglo XV, la conquista de losespañoles entre los siglos XVI y XIX y la ocupación chilena hasta llegar alsiglo XXI. Los mapuches al momento de la conquista española eran un puebloque ocupaba un territorio en forma autónoma en plena sedentarización, lascomunidades poblaban terrenos delimitados y desarrollaban agricultura desubsistencia cultural, además de la recolección, la pesca y la caza. La sociedadestaba organizada por linajes matricialmente, por grupos, tenían unacosmovisión, una cultura y una organización social. Durante la colonia, adoptany se apropian de tecnologías europeas, desarrollan una poderosa ganaderíaque se extiende por la pampa Argentina; esta actividad genera un fuerte ydiversificado intercambio comercial entre el territorio mapuche y el Reino deChile, de productos animales, artesanado y productos alimentarios. Elintercambio era desfavorable a los mapuches y debió ser regulado medianteparlamentos. La República comienza reconociendo los territorios mapuche,pero luego, por razones de expansión económica los ocupa a sangre y fuego.Los mapuche resisten y son derrotados por el ejército Chileno que ganó laguerra del Pacifico. Los mapuches entran al siglo XX despojados del 95% desus tierras de casi toda su poderosa ganadería, de sus bienes de capital,maquinas, equipos, arreos, siembras y plantaciones. Pero sobre todo sonexcluidos, segregados enfrentados a estrategias de asimilación y exterminio,mueren de inanición, por enfermedades y por la peste. Allí se genera laverdadera deuda histórica del Estado de Chile con los mapuches. LasReformas Agrarias, especialmente la de la Unidad Popular, levantan elproblema de tierras usurpadas y propones y ejecuta soluciones, que ladictadura militar anula. La Concertación por la Democracia reconoce lasespecificidades del pueblo mapuche y soluciona una parte de los conflictos porla tierra. Actualmente los mapuche del campo enfrentan poderosas estrategiasde asimilación y exterminio de su cultura, sin embargo a nivel de lacomunidades rurales se pone de manifiesto la capacidad del pueblo mapuchepara adaptarse a los cambios, adecuarse, resistir e ir imponiendo los términosbásicos de las condiciones necesarias para reconstruirse como pueblooriginario de Chile.

Cette étude examine la relation entre renforcement de la souveraineté de l'Etat angolais et l'action des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) dans les initiatives pour le développement rural de l'Angola, après la fin du conflit armé, en 2002. Dans les années 90, l'ouverture du pays au multipartisme et la mise en oeuvre de l'accord de paix entre le gouvernement angolais et les forces militaires de l'UNITA ont mis fin au conflit qui a suivi l’indépendance, et ont commencé un processus de redressement et de reconstruction d’aprés-guerre. Dans ce contexte, différentes forces politiques et sociales émergèrent en l’Angola et, simultanément, de plusieurs institutions et organisations internationales ainsi que institutions religieuses liées à des questions d'aide humanitaire d'urgence et de l'aprèsguerre se sont établies dans le pays. Ces organisations ont commencé à développer des actions en faveur des populations les plus vulnérables, en particulier en milieu rural. La fin de la guerre en 2002 a donné lieu à un processus de réarrangement entre les différents acteurs de la réalité sociale angolaise, tandis que dans le contexte international, les flux financiers visant à l'aides humanitaire et de développement ont été l'objet d'importants changements.. Le nouveau contexte, en contrepartie, a permis l'expansion des agences gouvernementales dans les régions rurales du pays qui étaient jusque-là en dehors du contrôle de l'Etat. Cela a a permis de renforcer progressivement la souveraineté et le contrôle de l'Etat sur les populations et les zones rurales, notamment par le biais de programmes et projets de développement rural, parfois en partenariat avec d'autres acteurs du développement comme les ONG. Cette thèse est proposé d'étudier la relation supposée entre le renforcement de la souveraineté de l'Etat sur les zones rurales et le rôle des ONG dans ces régions. La recherche visait à comprendre, en particulier: quel genre de relations sont établies entre les ONG, les agriculteurs, les organismes gouvernementaux et d'autres agents liés aux questions rurales? Comment ces relations influencent le renforcement de la souveraineté dans les processus de construction de l'État en Angola? Les programmes et projets d’ONGs visant au développement rural souvent ont précédé la présence de l'État dans les communautés rurales, en se positionnant comme une «agence» qui précède l'action des organes de l'administration de l'Etat dans la campagne. A travers l'examen de deux projets de développement rural coordonnés par des ONG et un programme de crédit agricole du gouvernement, nous avons cherché à comprendre le réseau des relations qui existent dans les processus de développement rural, ainsi que des discontinuités dans les perceptions des différents acteurs et les interactions entre les forces et les intérêts endogène et exogène, et la marge de manoeuvre des différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus. La recherche a indiqué que les processus d’intervention pour le développement socio-économique dans les régions rurales portent des tensions fondamentales: l'arrivée des organes de l'administration publique a les communautés et les zones rurales se produit souvent à la suite des projets des ONG, bien que cela ne signifie pas nécessairement renforcer la souveraineté paysan et populaire dans la conduite des programmes et projets en cours; le financement public destiné aux activités rurales ont privilégié l'agro-industrie au détriment de l'amélioration des capacités des agriculteurs pour construire une vie plus satisfaisante pour eux-mêmes ; la fin de la guerre a ramené, dans les zones rurales, les intérêts élitistes qui lient les élites nationales à des intérêts internationaux visant à l'obtention de biens et de ressources ruraux telles que de vastes étendues de terres rurales. Parmi les différents médiateurs, la défense de la souveraineté communautaire constitue également un champ de bataille où les intérêts liés aux élites politiques et économiques (nationaux ou étrangers) sont plus susceptibles de réussir. / O presente estudo analisa a relação existente entre o aumento da soberania do Estado angolano e a ação das organizações não governamentais (ONGs) nas iniciativas voltadas ao desenvolvimento rural em Angola, após o fim do conflito armado, que o país alcançou em 2002. No começo dos anos 90, a abertura do país ao sistema multipartidário e a concretização do acordo de paz entre o governo angolano e as forças militares da UNITA, puseram fim aos anos de conflito pós-independência e deram início a um processo de recuperação e reconstrução pós-bélica. Neste contexto, emergiram em Angola diferentes forças políticas e sociais internas e, simultaneamente, estabeleceram-se no país diversas agências e organizações internacionais e instituições religiosas ligadas a questões de ajuda humanitária, emergencial e a processos de recuperação pós-bélica, que passaram a desenvolver ações de apoio às populações mais vulneráveis, especialmente as rurais. Em 2002, o fim da guerra deu origem a processos de reposicionamento dos diferentes atores da realidade social angolana, ao mesmo tempo em que no contexto internacional observaramse mudanças nos fluxos financeiros da ajuda internacional humanitária e para o desenvolvimento. O novo contexto oportunizou o avanço dos órgãos governamentais a regiões do país até então fora do controle do Estado, possibilitando o aumento gradual da soberania e do controle do Estado sobre populações e territórios rurais, particularmente através de programas e projetos de desenvolvimento rural, por vezes em parceria com outros agentes de desenvolvimento, com as ONGs. Este tese se propôs investigar a possível relação entre o crescimento da soberania do Estado sobre as áreas rurais e a ação das ONGs nessas regiões. A pesquisa buscou entender, particularmente: que tipo de relações se estabelecem entre ONGs, camponeses, órgãos governamentais e demais agentes relacionados às questões rurais? De que maneira estas relações influenciam o crescimento da soberania nos processos de construção do Estado em Angola? Os programas e projetos das ONGs de desenvolvimento rural, muitas vezes, anteciparam-se à presença do Estado junto às populações rurais, posicionando-se como um “braço avançado” que precede a atuação dos órgãos da administração estatal no rural. Através do exame de dois projetos de desenvolvimento rural coordenados por ONGs e de um programa governamental de crédito agrícola, buscou-se entender a trama de relações existentes nos processos de desenvolvimento rural, as descontinuidades nas percepções dos diferentes atores e as interações entre forças e interesses endógenos e exógenos, bem como as margens de manobra dos diferentes atores envolvidos nesses processos. A pesquisa permitiu concluir que os processos de intervenção socioeconômica no meio rural comportam algumas tensões básicas: a chegada dos órgãos de administração estatal junto das populações e territórios rurais ocorre, muitas vezes através das ONGs, embora isto não implique, necessariamente, aumento da soberania camponesa e popular na condução dos programas e projetos em curso; os financiamentos públicos voltados para o meio rural têm privilegiado as atividades de agronegócio, em detrimento da capacitação dos camponeses para construírem vidas mais satisfatórias para si; o fim da guerra trouxe de volta ao meio rural interesses elitistas que vinculam grupos e elites nacionais a interesses internacionais voltados para a obtenção de ativos e recursos rurais como amplas extensões de terra. Entre os diferentes mediadores, a defesa da soberania comunitária também se constitui numa arena de luta na qual, os interesses ligados às elites políticas e econômicas (nacionais ou externas) têm mais chances de serem bem sucedidos. / This study examines the relationship between the strengthening of state sovereignty and the action by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through rural development initiatives in Angola, after the end of the armed conflict, attained in 2002. The political opening conducted in the country in the early '90s, which allowed for a multiparty system, and the implementation of the peace agreement between the Angolan government and the UNITA military forces have put an end to years of post-independence conflicts and started up a process of post-war recovery and reconstruction. In this context, various political and social forces have emerged in Angola. Concurrently, many international agencies, NGOs and religious institutions aimed at humanitarian and emergency aid and at post-war recovery have set offices in the country and began to develop actions in support of the most vulnerable populations, especially rural people. The end of the war, in 2002, gave rise to a process of rearrangement among the different actors of the Angolan social reality, whereas, in the international context, the financial flows aimed at humanitarian and development aid were undergoing significant changes. The new context, however, allowed for the expansion of government agencies to the rural regions of the country which were hitherto outside the control of the state. This has made room for gradual strengthening of both sovereignty and state control over populations and rural areas, particularly by means of rural development programs and projects, sometimes in partnership with other development actors such as NGOs. This thesis has proposed to investigate the hypothesized relationship between the strengthening of sovereignty and state control upon rural areas and the role of NGOs in these regions. The research sought to understand, particularly: what kind of relationships are established between NGOs, farmers, government agencies and other agents related to rural issues? How these relationships influence the growth of sovereignty in the processes of state-building in Angola? The programs and projects of NGOs aimed at rural development often preceded the presence of the state in rural communities, positioning itself as a “branch office” that precedes the action of the organs of state administration in the country. Through the analysis of two rural development projects coordinated by NGOs and a government-led agricultural credit program, it was sought to understand the network of relationships that exist in rural development processes, as well as the discontinuities in the perceptions of distinct actors and the interactions between both the endogenous and exogenous forces and interests, and the room for maneuver of the different actors involved in these processes. Research findings pointed that the processes of socio-economic intervention in the rural comprise some fundamental tensions: the establishment of state entities in rural areas often occurs in the wake of NGOs projects, although this does not necessarily imply increasing peasant and people’s sovereignty in the coordination of ongoing programs and projects; the public funding aimed at rural activities have focused agribusiness at the expense of improving farmers’ capabilities for building more satisfying lives for themselves; the end of the war brought back to the rural zones those elitist interests that link national elites to international interests aimed at obtaining rural assets and resources such as vast tracts of rural land. Among the different mediators, the defense of community sovereignty also constitutes an arena of struggle in which the interests linked to political and economic elites (domestic or foreign) are more likely to be successful.

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自2003年始，反坝运动席卷中国，被誉为“第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落，却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无（正式）组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动，并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性，无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析，而得到解释。 / 在中国特殊政治环境下，尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会，农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能？带着这一问题，本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架，以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论，对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 / 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑，并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析，探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 / 本论文发现：在全国反坝热潮背后，金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用：一是本土性社会文化因素；二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量；三是国家力量（包括“抽象国家"与“具体国家"）的影响及其与本土的互动。 / 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时，也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干，推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的“公民性"参与，孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间，由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力，有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分，为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 / Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. / However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. / How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. / This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It analyzes the key processes of political opportunity structure extension, resource mobilization, and meaning construction in the indigenous anti-dam movement, trying to understand its unique characteristics, dynamics and mechanisms. / The study finds that the Jinsha River case is characterized by a distinct activism model which is endogenously driven, with highly decentralized participation from diverse sectors in the local community, and also influenced by the interactions between the local protest and national anti-dam movement. In particular, I discuss three sets of factors that are crucial in shaping the process: a) the local social-cultural contexts and conditions, b) the interaction between the local community and outside civil social forces in the anti-dam movement, c) the state-society relationship in the indigenous community. / These factors contribute to the emergence of a model of local activism which transcends the conventional dichotomy of movement leaders and rank and file members, and relies instead on a large “middle layer of activists that are from diverse sectors of the local community. It may point to a path for going beyond both the elitist NGO-lead social movement model and the model of disorganized social resistance in closed rural communities, and shed light on some new potential of Chinese social change from below as well as the development of Chinese civil society. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 周雁. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 222-226) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhou Yan. / 致 谢 --- p.iv / 中文摘要： --- p.vi / Abstract of thesis entitled : --- p.vii / Chapter 1 --- 前言：研究背景及研究问题的提出 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- 引子：3.21群体事件 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- 研究的背景：从本土底层抗争到全国反坝运动 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3. --- 研究问题: --- p.6 / Chapter 2 --- 文献综述与理论回顾 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1. --- 理论视野之一： 西方集体行动/社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- 美国社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- 新的理论发展 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2. --- 理论视野之二：抗争研究 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- 农民的日常反抗理论 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- 依法抗争理论及中国学者的进一步拓展 --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3. --- 中国反坝集体行动的现有研究： --- p.17 / Chapter 2.4. --- 社会运动研究与抗争研究的差异与整合 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.1. --- 两种理论进路的差异 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.2. --- 本研究面临的特殊情境 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.4.3. --- 整合及研究理论框架的提出 --- p.25 / Chapter 3 --- 研究方法论及研究方法 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1. --- 研究方法论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.1. --- 研究方法论的理论基础：实践理论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.2. --- 具体研究方法论：拓展个案法 --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2. --- 研究方法及参与式行动研究者的自我反思 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.1. --- 研究方法 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.2. --- 参与式行动研究者的自我定位及反思 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.3. --- 研究田野点：金沙江边乡村社区简介 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.4. --- 论文结构 --- p.45 / Chapter 4 --- 江边底层反坝抗争故事及过程分析 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1. --- 江边底层反坝抗争过程回顾 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.1. --- 风云乍起：反坝外部动员及本土精英崭露头角 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.2. --- 从葬礼到清明：变故催生的内外结盟与江边动员 --- p.52 / Chapter 4.1.3. --- 本土自主底层抗争模式的发端：罢村官事件及其他 --- p.62 / Chapter 4.1.4. --- 外来者的“在场"和助推 --- p.69 / Chapter 4.1.5. --- 本土自主抗争的深化：文艺队及其他公共参与的尝试 --- p.75 / Chapter 4.1.6. --- 厚积薄发：联名信的万人签署及上京 --- p.85 / Chapter 4.1.7. --- 高潮：3.21万人群体事件 --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1.8. --- 后反坝时期 --- p.103 / Chapter 4.2. --- 小结与回顾：江边反坝抗争的过程机制 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- 政治机会结构的拓展过程 --- p.109 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- 组织与动员过程 --- p.111 / Chapter 4.2.3. --- 框架与意义建构过程 --- p.112 / Chapter 4.2.4. --- 小结：三个过程的相通之处 --- p.113 / Chapter 5 --- 结构性因素之一：江边乡民社会的本土性因素 --- p.115 / Chapter 5.1. --- 江边本土行动者认同与惯习的形成及分化 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.1. --- 共享的“江边"认同及江边人的行为惯习 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.2. --- 江边多元分化的身份认同及行动惯习 --- p.119 / Chapter 5.1.3. --- 小结：不同结构性因素及条件的协同作用 --- p.134 / Chapter 5.2. --- 江边反坝行动者分层及其对抗争动力机制的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- 对反坝政治机会结构的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- 对反坝框架和意义建构的影响 --- p.139 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- 对组织和动员模式的影响 --- p.145 / Chapter 6 --- 结构性因素之二：外界公民社会力量的介入及内外互动 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.1. --- 外界力量的显性效果：底层议题的公共化 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.2. --- 外界力量介入的“多元去中心"化及效果 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- 外界力量的类别 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- 不同外来者的差异、碰撞与制衡 --- p.156 / Chapter 6.2.3. --- 外界介入的多元分殊化和去NGO化 --- p.158 / Chapter 6.2.4. --- 长期影响 --- p.162 / Chapter 6.3. --- 内外互动中的差异、分歧及潜在冲突 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.1. --- 差异的显现：认同与反坝框架建构 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.2. --- 对底层运作和“本土性"理解的隔阂 --- p.165 / Chapter 6.3.3. --- 背后的结构性因素 --- p.169 / Chapter 6.4. --- 小结 --- p.170 / Chapter 7 --- 结构性因素之三：国家力量的本土呈现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1. --- 本土行动者与“抽象国家"之间 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.1. --- 江边人的国家观及其体现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.2. --- 被动应对：去“政治"化与去“国家"化 --- p.175 / Chapter 7.1.3. --- 积极对策：合法正当性的建立 --- p.176 / Chapter 7.2. --- 本土行动者与“具体国家"之间 --- p.180 / Chapter 7.2.1. --- 国家的本土代理人的分层 --- p.181 / Chapter 7.2.2. --- 本土行动者与国家代理人间的特殊互动模式 --- p.183 / Chapter 7.3. --- 理论对话及小结 --- p.190 / Chapter 8 --- 结论和进一步讨论 --- p.194 / Chapter 8.1. --- 底层集体行动如何得以产生 --- p.195 / Chapter 8.2. --- 底层反坝抗争的潜在产出及潜在长远影响 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.1. --- 底层行动者的改变：本土“公民性的形成与创新 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.2. --- “本土"的再发掘与重建：社区力量的创新整合 --- p.200 / Chapter 8.2.3. --- 中国新社会力及公共参与空间的拓展与建构 --- p.202 / Chapter 8.2.4. --- 对国家社会关系及中国社会变迁的长期潜在影响 --- p.203 / Chapter 8.3. --- 前瞻：潜在隐患及可能走向 --- p.205 / Chapter 附录一： --- 江边村民的诉求 --- p.208 / 2005清明扫墓活动村民面对NGO和媒体发言节选 --- p.208 / Chapter 附录二： --- 公开呼吁信 --- p.212 / Chapter （一） --- 中国河网：留住虎跳峡、留住长江第一湾 --- p.212 / Chapter （二） --- 金沙江沿岸村民呼吁：坚决不让悲剧在金沙江重演！ --- p.214 / Chapter 附录三 --- 万人联署意见书 --- p.217 / 关于“滇中调水"和虎跳峡电站高坝给国务院的意见书 --- p.217 / 参考文献 --- p.222

This is a comparative study of the spatial patterns of peasant crop farming in Chibombo District between the 1980s and the 1990s. The study lists and discusses the agricultural support system, communication infrastructure and the crop production and patterns of the 1980s within the environment of centralised planning and then compares these to the structures and patterns of the 1990s in an atmosphere of economic liberalisation. This comparison in crop production, cropping patterns, institutional support systems and the communication infrastructure in five sampled farming wards of Chibombo District, leads to the conclusion that there is a marked change in the structures and patterns of the 1990s from those of the 1980s. Thus, in Chibombo District, the state of the communication infrastructure in the 1990s is generally poorer than the communication infrastructure of the 1980s, the agricultural support system of the 1990s is largely privately owned and found in fewer farming areas while the agricultural support system of the 1980s was state controlled and more widely spread, and crop patterns in some farming wards are different in the 1990s from those of the 1980s. In the 1990s, crop production in farming wards with a supportive environment has increased than it was in the 1980s but decreased in those where a conducive environment lacks. In this line, the study makes several recommendations for consideration on how to mitigate the problems that the peasant farmers are facing or how to enhance the positive changes that have occurred in Chibombo District. / Geography / M.A. (Geography)

This thesis is an ethnographic account of social change, triggered by the civil war in Nepal (1996-2006). Based on an ethnographic fieldwork in the village of Thabang, the war-time capital of the Maoist base area, this thesis explores the transformative impact of the conflict on people’s everyday lives and on the constitution of key hierarchies structuring Nepali society. Rather than focusing on violence and fear – the commonly researched themes in warzones – the thesis examines people’s everyday social and embodied practices during the war and its aftermath, arguing that these remain central to our understanding of war-time social processes and the ways in which they shape the contours of post-conflict society. By focusing on mundane practices – such as meat-eating and alcohol-drinking, raising livestock and worshipping gods – the thesis demonstrates how change at the micro-level is illustrative of a profound transformation in the social structures constituting Nepali society. Theoretically, the thesis seeks to understand how the situation of war re-orders society: in this case, how people in the Maoist base area interiorized formerly transgressive norms and practices, and how these practices were normalized in the post-conflict environment. The research revealed that much of the change triggered by the conflict came as a result of the ‘exceptional’ times of war and the necessity to follow ‘rules that apply in times of crisis’. Thus, in adopting transgressive practices during the conflict, people were responding to the expediency of war-time rather than following Maoist war-time policies or ‘propaganda’. Furthermore, while adopting hitherto unimaginable practices and making them into habitual action, people transformed the rigid social structures, without necessarily intending to do so. The thesis puts particular stress on the centrality of unintended consequences in social change, the power of embodied practice in making change real, and the ways in which agency and structure are mutually constitutive.

Orientador: Bernardo Mançano Fernandes / Resumo: A agricultura capitalista brasileira sempre esteve voltada para atender as demandas do mercado externo, apoiada em pilares que cumprem função de oferecer matéria-prima e disponibilizar mão de obra barata para a indústria. Estes pilares estão baseados na concentração da terra, no modelo agroexportador, na expropriação camponesa e na exploração do trabalho. Este modelo de produção intensifica a utilização do solo e o uso descontrolado de agrotóxicos, preocupando-se, exclusivamente, com a produtividade e o lucro. Na pós-revolução verde, o modelo capitalista de produção proporcionou inovações tecnológicas no campo com a introdução de novos insumos agrícolas, máquinas modernas e modificação genética das sementes. Porém, estas mudanças agrícolas somente se viabilizaram, pois os grandes latifundiários se apoderaram de créditos públicos subsidiados. Por outro lado, a agricultura não capitalista, baseada no trabalho familiar, ocupando áreas periféricas no meio rural e com baixa inovação tecnológica, é a principal responsável pela produção de alimentos e dos empregos no campo. Os camponeses utilizam a terra para produzir sua subsistência, bem como produzir alimentos para o conjunto da sociedade. A pesquisa mostrou que as áreas de reforma agrária contribuem para a produção de alimentos nos diferentes aspectos, seja para subsistência das famílias assentadas, seja para produção, industrialização e comercialização de alimentos para a população rural e urbana. No entanto, existem contradiçõ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Mestre