Thesis (MPhil (School of Public Management and Planning))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This dissertation considers the coherence of the prescriptions contained within three recently released government frameworks: the National Framework for Sustainable Development, National Industrial Policy Framework and National Framework for Local Economic Development. A central assumption in this regard is that a level of coherence in policy prescriptions is necessary for effective and complementary implementation. Each of these frameworks has been developed in the context of renewed commitment from the South African state to halve unemployment and poverty by 2014. It is likely therefore that the frameworks will affect resource allocation with outcomes which will have impacts on South African society at large. Thus coherence is an important consideration. The analysis is undertaken against the background of: - a limited literature review on policy-making (within the broader policy studies field), - a discussion of the political economy of South Africa, and - a consideration of certain key debates within the global ‘development’ discourse. This includes particular reference to the concepts of ‘sustainable development’, ‘industrial development’ and ‘local economic development’ within that discourse. In addition, in order to gain some insight into the policy-making processes that were followed in the production of each of the frameworks, a limited number of key informant interviews was conducted. These interviews highlight certain elements and factors that impacted on the final policy products and the compromises that were reached around policy content. The body of the analysis - a comparative content analysis of the frameworks - is undertaken through a discussion of the manner in which the frameworks deal with four cross-cutting themes. These four cross-cutting themes are: eco-system considerations, social considerations, economic considerations and institutional/ governance considerations. This comparative reading of the frameworks exposes certain divergent policy prescriptions and confirms that disagreement exists within government itself on the country’s desired development path. The conclusion then discusses what is required to put in place a coherent policy making system in South Africa. It is proposed that the accommodation of policy coherence should not come at the expense of diversity and the expression of ‘profanity’ (contestation). The value of deliberative democracy, pluralism and complexity are highlighted in this regard. A number of recommendations are made.

2005年陳水扁總統，針對軍公教退休人員之退休金及公保養老給付，得以18％利率辦理優惠存款、降低所得替代率等，要求相關單位提出改革方案。銓敘部經與教育部、國防部及行政院人事行政局等相關主管機關組成專案小組，在公務人員方面擬具「公務人員退休所得合理化改革方案」報請考試院於同年11月10日確定方案內容；至部分執行內涵則於2006年1月5日決議由銓敘部依權責自行負責處理。案經銓敘部邀集相關主管機關開會研商後，決定軍公教人員改革方案於同年2月16日同步實施。 值此，軍公教退休人員多數表達無法接受，組織退休聯盟進行各項訴求與抗爭行動；同時立法院中國國民黨黨團及親民黨黨團多數委員支持退休聯盟之主張，運用預算審查權為手段，燃起本項改革方案再度討論的關鍵力量。 本文採文獻探討法針對公務人員退休所得合理化改革方案進行研究，筆者從相關文獻及媒體的報導中發現，本項改革方案的政策制訂過程乃是以菁英決策的方式出現，主要涉及行政官員、考試委員、立法委員及軍公教退休聯盟之間的互動過程。 爰此，筆者藉由菁英理論的觀點透過David Easton 所提出的政治系統理論為基礎，將「公務人員退休所得合理化改革方案」相關影響政策制訂過程之參與者納入，提出一整合性的研究架構進行論述，並依參與人員為標準，分為行政菁英、立法菁英、知識菁英及標的團體四類，試圖經由本項改革個案的探討，進一步對菁英理論相應於政策制訂過程有較為深入之瞭解。 本文以2005年9月陳總統對外界作出「政策」宣示，迄至2008年1月立法院第六屆立法委員任期屆滿止，為研究時間範圍。首先對政策制訂過程與菁英理論進行探討，並將四類菁英就其角色與影響政策制訂的方式與策略加以論述；其次對本項改革方案制訂過程及主要爭議作詳細闡述；接續對四類菁英運用之策略進行分析；最後作出結論，整合歸納前述之研究內容，提出研究發現與後續研究之建議。

Legal data for the study come from briefs of state and federal court decisions. Political information is drawn from various governmental reports to the Sixty-third Texas Legislature on public school finance reform. Other material is from minutes of the House Committee on Education and interviews with members involved in the legislative process. The study describes and analyzes competing forces which try to influence policy decisions and attempts to identify the salient issues in the political process of educational policy-making. This information is incorporated into a systems model for heuristic purposes. The study pays special attention to state and federal court decisions, with emphasis on the "Burger Court" and President Nixon's influence upon the court. The latter part of the study concentrates on the Sixty-third Legislature and post-Sixty-third Legislature of Texas, and its efforts to write a public school finance reform program. The findings of the study show that the disparity in educational opportunity in Texas is a reality. The study also shows that school districts with the greatest need for reform are often least effective in influencing educational decision-makers. Finally, the study reveals that the inequities in public school finance are inherent in the ad valorem tax system used in most states for public school financing. Further study is recommended into the politics of public school finance reform, with particular attention to the Texas Constitutional Convention's efforts to reform the state's funding formula. A study of the governor's role in public school finance should also be made, with special attention to the reasons for his refusal to call a special legislative session to deal with the problem. Finally, it is recommended that a study be made of the Fort Worth et al. v. Edgar case, since it represents a new dimension in the conflict over the use of the ad valorem property tax in funding public education.

L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression. / The purpose of this thesis is twofold. First, it seeks to identify factors that enable the federal government and Aboriginal peoples to agree on public policies despite the persistence of settler colonialism. It demonstrates that such an agreement is conditional upon the legitimacy, from an Aboriginal perspective, of the policy-making process. Second, this thesis uses a pragmatic approach to call for a reflection on the capacity for policy-making processes to become a space for Aboriginal self-determination. Given the flexibility of current rules that govern the policy-making process in Canada, a government – if it has the will - can shape the process in a more egalitarian fashion, thus increasing the process’s legitimacy from an Aboriginal viewpoint. In a perspective of incremental change, such policy-making process could help Aboriginal people regain some decisional autonomy and hence mitigate the unequal power relationship that actually exists between them and the Canadian state. Building on a theoretical framework that blends different approaches, notably from literatures on public policy, colonialism and legitimacy, this thesis explores two case studies : the policy-making process that led to the Kelowna Accord in 2005 and the one that led to Bill C-33, First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act, in 2014. The comparison of both cases illustrates our arguments and demonstrates its practical applicability. In brief, it shows how the policy-making process can be both a self-determination space and a tool of oppression.

Cette recherche envisage la compréhension et la représentation du phénomène de compétitivité territoriale. Phénomène encore peu étudié par le management public, le parti pris est celui d’une exploration hybride susceptible d’inclure dans l’analyse les contextes, les contenus et processus mobilisés. La compétitivité territoriale est donc appréhendée comme un construit et non comme une donnée. L’approche par la complexité vise à re-construire les pratiques effectivement mise en œuvre par les managers territoriaux au travers d’une confrontation de la théorie et de l’empirie.La première partie est destinée à formaliser un cadre conceptuel et méthodologique pour le management de la compétitivité territoriale. Suivant une approche transdisciplinaire, les contours de la mise en action publique pour la compétitivité des territoires y sont délimités. L’heuristique d’axiome global permet la prise en compte des influences des contextes selon une logique « en marché » et une logique « en société ». Les dimensions idiosyncrasiques et diachroniques de la compétitivité territoriales sont définies pour analyser contenus et processus de l’objet de la recherche. Les analogies mécaniques et biologiques permettent ainsi de faciliter la compréhension des modalités managériales émergentes. La deuxième partie passe l’objet de la recherche à l’épreuve empirique. Une étude de cas longitudinale avec deux unités d’analyse encastrées est menée en pays d’Aix. Quatre modalités de management de la compétitivité territoriale sont ainsi dégagées. Suivant un régime d’accumulation, la délimitation du périmètre de la mise en action publique est l’étape initiale. La construction par les managers des arènes collaboratives via les structures génériques de projets des politiques publiques volontaristes dégagent des bouquets de services. La transition de la logique « en marché » à la logique « en société » est assuré par une modalité de proximité sociétale qui émerge des politiques publiques territoriales. La construction d’une arène de convergence des intentions finalisées d’acteurs hétérogènes passe alors par une chaîne locale de l’innovation tissée entre des managers experts. L’écosystème local de l’innovation est constitué par l’encastrement des réseaux personnels de chaque manager et permet de relier des structures hétérogènes aux finalités diverses. Cet écosystème doit alors être managé pour assurer la pérennité du système de compétitivité territoriale au travers du temps. A ce titre, les modes de gouvernance de la compétitivité territoriale doivent favoriser des configurations souples, différenciées et partagées. Des configurations susceptibles de voir se croiser les chemins de la prospérité avec ceux de la compétitivité (différenciées) ; des configurations susceptibles encore de permettre la dialogique des processus d’actions publiques pour arbitrer entre polarisation et dispersion des activités productives (souples) ; des configurations susceptibles enfin de permettre à l’énergie cinétique de se déployer sur un territoire pour le rendre compétitif au travers de la construction d’une arène de convergence des intentions par la proximité sociétale (partagées) / This research considers the understanding and representation of the phenomenon of territorial competitiveness. The thesis is an hybrid exploration of new phenomenon studied by the Public Management and may be included analysis of the contexts, contents and processes used. Territorial competitiveness is understood as a framework, not a fact. The complexity approach is to re-build practices effectively implemented by managers through a territorial confrontation of theory and empiricism. The first part formalizes a conceptual and methodological framework for the management of territorial competitiveness. As a transdisciplinary approach, the outlines of public policy-making are defined for the competitiveness of territories. The overall heuristic axiom allows the consideration of the influences of contexts according to a market logic and society logic. Idiosyncratic and diachronic dimensions of territorial competitiveness are defined to analyze contents and processes of the subject of research. Thus, the mechanical and biological analogies allow a better understanding of the emergent management modalities.The second part goes over the empirical test. A longitudinal case study based on two embedded units of analysis is conducted at Aix-en-Provence. Four modalities of territorial competitiveness management have been found. The boundaries lines of public policy-making are defined by the growth of continuous additions. The packages of services emerge from the construction of collaborative arenas by managers through proactive public policies projects. The transition from market logic to society logic is provided by a form of societal proximity that emerges from the territorial public policies. The erection of an arena to lead intentions finalized of heterogeneous actors goes through a local chain of innovation between managers. The local ecosystem of innovation is constituted by the embedding of personal networks of each manager and for linking heterogeneous structures with different purposes. This ecosystem must be managed to ensure the sustainability of the system of territorial competitiveness. Tree types of territorial competitiveness governance would appear concurrently: flexible, differentiated and shared. The first one type will mix the paths of prosperity with those of competitiveness (differentiated). The second type may allow the dialogical processes of public policy-making to arbitrate between polarization and dispersion of productive activities (flexible). The last one may permit the kinetic energy to deploy in an area to be competitive through the construction of an arena of convergence of intentions by social proximity (shared)

Como alternativa para superar mais uma crise do capitalismo, no final do século XX configurou-se uma nova organização geopolítica e econômica mundial de cunho neoliberal. Ela atribui ao Estado de Bem-Estar Social a responsabilidade pela crise e pela ineficiência em responder às demandas sociais do mundo em transformação. Em resposta às críticas, nasce o movimento de reforma do Estado, que vem assumindo posições nas duas últimas décadas. Nos anos 80 predominou a concepção do Estado mínimo, que encarregou o mercado da responsabilidade pelo crescimento econômico e pelo atendimento às necessidades da sociedade. Na década seguinte questionou-se esse modelo. O ideário do Estado forte regulador e coordenador de políticas sociais respondeu aquele questionamento, deixando para o mercado e o terceiro setor a produção de bens e serviços. Influenciado pela nova administração pública, esse Estado é concebido como gerenciador do desenvolvimento social, incorporando mecanismos do setor privado para aperfeiçoar resultados, como retenção de gastos e controle de custos. Essa é a orientação do plano diretor de reforma do aparelho estatal implantado pelo Governo brasileiro a partir de 1995. Uma de suas principais estratégicas foi a criação das organizações sociais – estatuto legal que permite às instituições sem fins lucrativos desenvolverem funções sociais delegadas pelo Estado. A partir de 1998, a Secretaria de Estado da Saúde de São Paulo tem repassado a gestão de hospitais para organizações sociais de saúde, mediante contratos de gestão,que discriminam objetivos e metas a serem alcançados na produção de serviços médico-hospitalares. Duas dessas experiências são analisadas aqui – os Hospitais Gerais de Itapecerica da Serra e do Itaim Paulista – com vistas a avaliar a capacidade do Estado de promover tal delegação, à luz do controle público e da garantia da eqüidade no acesso aos serviços de saúde. Empregou-se metodologia qualitativa, mediante estudo de caso. Foram realizadas trinta entrevistas com membros das equipes técnicas, das administrações e das mantenedoras dessas organizações, usuários dos serviços, representantes do Legislativo e do Executivo estadual. Procedeu-se à leitura de documentos e relatórios técnicos. Os resultados indicaram não haver incorporação do âmbito local na gestão dos serviços prestados; o principal coordenador e controlador das metas estabelecidas é a administração central da secretaria estadual. Para que se efetive a eqüidade no acesso, é fundamental a presença do Poder público local como articulador do sistema de saúde. O controle público expressa-se por ações fiscalizadoras mediante procedimentos contábil-financeiros do Tribunal de Contas do Estado ou das instâncias locais do controle social do Sistema Único de Saúde ou dos conselhos populares de saúde. A população não participa da formulação das ações de saúde. Nessa modalidade de gestão, o Poder público estadual assume presença marcante mediante financiamento global e controle administrativo dessas organizações, o que caracteriza uma desconcentração de função para instituições públicas não-estatais, responsáveis por uma lógica privada de gerenciamento por intermédio da contratação de recursos humanos e de administração financeira, aspectos limitantes da ação estatal. / At the end of the 20th century we had seen the come out of a new geopolitical and economical world configuration of neoliberal traces, as an alternative to overcome the capitalism crisis. The Welfare State is criticized by such conception, being assigned to it the responsibility for the crisis and the inefficiency to answer the social demands of a world that is constantly changing. In response to these critiques comes out the State reform movement that has assumed several propositions in the past two decades. The conception of minimum State that prevailed in the 80’s, leaving to the market the responsibility for the economical growing and caring of the society needs. In the next decade this model was questioned. Then comes the ideology of the strong State that must regulate and coordinate the social politics, leaving to the market and the non-governmental organizations the productions of goods and services. Influenced by the new public management, this State is conceived as a manager of social development, using mechanisms of the private sector to optimize results, as the retention of expenses and cost control. We observe this orientation in the director plan of reform of the governmental machine, presented by the Brazilian Govern since 1995. One of the main strategies was the creation of the Social Organizations ¾ legal statute that allows the non profit institutions to develop social functions delegated by the State. Since 1998, the Secretaria de Estado da Saúde de São Paulo has repassed hospitals to Social Organizations of Health, through performance agreements, establishing goals to be reached in the production of hospitalar services. Two of these experiences were analysed ¾ the General Hospitals from Itapecerica da Serra and from Itaim Paulista ¾ with the intention to evaluate the ability of the State in promoting such delegation, under the public control and the guarantee of equity in the access to he health services. We used qualitative methodology, through the technique of study of case. There were thirty interviews done, involving members from the technical staff, from the administration and from the owners of these organizations, users of the services, and representatives of the Legislative and Executive of the State. We did read the documents and technical reports. The results indicated that there is no incorporation at the local level in the management of the services done, and that the central level of the Secretaria Estadual is the main coordinator and controller of the goals established. As to the equity in the access, is fundamental the presence of the local Public Power to its effectiveness, in the articulation of the health system, as we have seen in the Itapecerica da Serra experience. The public control is made by inspection actions, through financial procedures of the Tribunal de Contas do Estado, or the local instances of social control of the Sistema Único de Saúde or of the popular counsils of health. There is no participation of the population in the formulation of health actions. In this kind of management the Public Power of the state of the São Paulo has a fundamental role, through the global financing and administrative control of these Organizations, characterizing a desconcentration of function for non governmental public institutions, that is responsible for a private logic of managing, through the contract of human resources and financial administration, limiting aspects of the action of the State.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina de Mello Gomide.pdf: 638990 bytes, checksum: b048873da2c4f4f067c70cdb09cb156d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This master´s dissertation purpose is the study of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in the city of Sao Paulo in the period of years 2000 to 2007. The objective is to investigate and analyse, based on the relationship that Social Movements and NGOs built in the Brazilian context, the social and political mediations thar serve as reference to the policy making in the relationship of these two constituent subjects in the contemporary days. The hypothesis assumed here is that social representations of Social Movements and NGOs reveal that the relations between them include, although ambivalent, partnership and political dispute in the context of participatory democratic process. The study of the matter included research in the areas of Sociology, Social Service and Social Psychology, from where we could set apart as basic conceptual references: State / Civil Society Participatory Democracy, Policy Making and Social Representations. There was also documentary research on web sites that contained data on the subject searched and the organizations they represent. The qualitative research methodology was adopted, and semi-structured interviews with open questions have been used as tools for date collection, which started from a script. For analysis of the data the technique adopted was the analysis of content. The research results showed that the ambivalent character of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in Sao Paulo, in the contemporary days, expressing conflicts, tensions, political disputes, dialogues and partnerships. It showed also that, beyond the relations of disputes, there are possibilities for inter-relations between NGOs and Social Movements in forums and networking, defined as areas of collective struggles, the definition of common agendas and build consensus, pointed to expansion and consolidation of project Brazilian participatory-democratic / A presente dissertação de mestrado teve por objeto o estudo das relações de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs na cidade de São Paulo, no período compreendido entre os anos de 2000 a 2007. Objetivou-se investigar e analisar, a partir da relação que Movimentos Sociais e ONGs construíram no contexto brasileiro, as mediações sociais e políticas que referenciam o fazer política desses dois sujeitos sociais e os elementos constitutivos da relação entre ambos na contemporaneidade. Definiu-se como hipótese que as representações sociais de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs revelam que suas relações incluem, de forma ambivalente, a parceria e a disputa política, no contexto do processo democrático participativo. O estudo da temática compreendeu levantamentos bibliográficos nas áreas da Sociologia, Serviço Social e Psicologia Social, dos quais destacam -se como referências conceituais básicas: Estado/Sociedade Civil, Democracia Participativa, Fazer Política e Representações Sociais. Procedeu-se ainda pesquisa documental em sites da Internet que continham dados sobre os sujeitos pesquisados e as organizações que representam. Adotou-se como metodologia a pesquisa qualitativa, tendo sido utilizados como instrumentos de coleta de dados entrevistas semi-estruturadas, com perguntas abertas, que partiram de um roteiro. Para análise dos dados obtidos foi aplicada a técnica de análise de conteúdo. A pesquisa revelou como resultados que as relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em São Paulo, na contemporaneidade são de caráter ambivalente, expressando conflitos, tensões, disputas políticas, diálogos e parcerias. Revelou ainda que, para além das relações de disputas, há possibilidades de outras inter-relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em Fóruns e Redes, entendidos como espaços coletivos de lutas, definição de agendas comuns e construção de consensos, direcionados à ampliação e consolidação do projeto democrático-participativo brasileiro

Les modèles techniques agricoles fondés sur l’utilisation de produits phytopharmaceutiques (pesticides) ont des impacts environnementaux et sanitaires face auxquels les pouvoirs publics affichent la volonté d’une « transition écologique ». Dans ce contexte, on s’interroge de plus en plus sur la notion de verrouillage technologique pour comprendre la persistance de ces modèles et les obstacles au développement d’alternatives techniques moins consommatrices de ces produits (Cowan, Gunby, 1996 ; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008). Les analyses mettent en avant l’importance des dimensions cognitives pour expliquer les situations de verrouillage (influence des cadres cognitifs et normes pour l’action, dispositifs matériels d’accès aux connaissances techniques – Stassart, Jamar, 2009 ; Labarthe, 2010). Parallèlement, la « participation » est souvent invoquée comme un moyen d’améliorer la mobilisation des connaissances dans les situations de choix technologiques (Barber, 1984 ; Callon et al., 2001…).L’objectif de cette thèse est de mettre à l’épreuve cette conviction sur la participation, à partir de l’étude du cas de l’agriculture de conservation (AC) en France et au Brésil. L’AC est un modèle technologique innovant qui émerge comme « candidat » à l’agriculture durable dans le débat public, en dépit de la dépendance de certaines techniques à l’utilisation d’herbicides.Pour comprendre les effets de la participation sur la capacité des acteurs à accéder aux connaissances et à faire des choix technologiques, la thèse analyse la façon dont l’idée de participation se décline concrètement dans le régime d’accès aux connaissances en agriculture. L’évolution de la politique agricole en France et le passage d’un référentiel « modernisateur » à un « référentiel de marché » (Muller, 2000) a fait l’objet de nombreuses études, mais peu souvent menées depuis le point de vue des connaissances. Or, de profonds changements sont en cours, suite au tournant libéral des années 1990 et à la transformation du rôle de l’Etat vers la mise en œuvre d’une régulation par l’information (Majone, 1996). L’analyse de ces transformations en France révèle que l’Etat ne s’est pas doté des dispositifs institutionnels et matériels adéquats pour assurer cette fonction de régulation dans le domaine de l’agriculture et de l’utilisation des pesticides. Dans ce contexte, la participation est invoquée pour organiser de grandes consultations nationales (Grenelle de l’Environnement) visant à produire du consensus sur des sujets controversés, tandis que les moyens matériels d’accès à des connaissances adéquates pour évaluer et débattre des options technologiques font défaut dans les services de l’Etat et auprès d’autres acteurs du débat public. adéquats La participation est aussi utilisée pour renvoyer l’innovation à des dispositifs locaux « en partenariat » ou « en réseaux » associant public et privé (et notamment les firmes d’amont fournisseuses de produits phytopharmaceutiques, porteuses de conflits d’intérêt), où les moyens mutualisés pour l’accès aux connaissances manquent. L’analyse des réseaux d’action publique impliqués dans le développement de l’AC confirme cette fragmentation croissante des conditions d’accès aux connaissances, entre accumulation des ressources cognitives par les firmes, et inégalités d’accès aux connaissances entre agriculteurs développant des alternatives. Dans ce contexte, la référence à « la participation » ne permet pas de compenser ces changements structurels à l’œuvre, et masque au contraire le retrait de l’Etat d’une politique volontariste en faveur de la réduction de pesticides et la perte d’un certain nombre de ses prérogatives liées aux connaissances. La dimension comparative avec le Brésil permet de confirmer l’existence de tels effets « pervers » en termes de dépolitisation des débats sur les évolutions du régime d’accès aux connaissances. / Intensive use of pesticides in agriculture has environmental and sanitary impacts that led to the need for less harmful techniques. Policy makers are claiming for an “ecological transition” of the sector but they are facing technological lock-ins : pesticides-based solutions remain dominant because of institutional and cognitive factors that prevent the development of other alternatives (Cowan, Gunby, 1996; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008…). In this context, the idea of enlarging the participation of new actors in technological decisions has gained success as it is supposed to enlarge the range of available evidence and lead to better and fairer technological choices (Barber, 1984; Callon et al., 2001; Elgert, 2010)This PhD research aims at questioning the idea of participation as a way to unlock technological lock-ins , using the case of Conservation Agriculture (CA) in France and Brazil, an innovation presented as based on participatory dynamics of R&D and a way to achieve sustainable agriculture, in spite of the dependence of some practices on an intensive use of herbicides. Data was collected from academic literature, documentary analysis, and semi directive or collective interviews with 51 actors both in France and Brazil. Results show the deep changes the regime of knowledge in agriculture has undergone in the last decades under the liberalization of the sector- and why referring to the idea of participation is unefficient to counterbalance these structural changes, or can even have perverse effects.Academic literature described the evolution of agricultural policies, at the international, European and French levels, analyzing the “environmental” turn of the 1980s and the “liberal” turn of the 1990s-2000s (Fouilleux, 2003; Muller, 2000; Trouvé, 2007). But few studies focused on the impacts these changes had on how decision makers and farmers have access to scientific and technical evidence to innovate and cope with new situations. This PhD research shows how the regime of knowledge in France evolved from the modernization period (1960s) - when access to reliable evidence was an issue of public concern and funding in the State administrations and extension services; to a turning point in the 2000s when the State progressively disengaged from the debate on the technological trajectory of the sector and private firms became more and more implicated. In the case of CA, the results of a policy networks analysis show the concentration of material resources to produce robust evidence (R&D, extension services, databases ) in the hands of private firms wishing to develop technological packages based on the use of pesticides. On the other hand, local farmers trying to reduce their consumption of pesticides lack resources to systematically evaluate the innovations they produce.In this context, the idea of participation refers to organizing big national consultations (as the Grenelle de l’Environnement) that rather aim at producing consensus than shedding light on existing controversies and alternatives. It is also used to discharge the responsibility for producing pesticide-less alternatives to different kinds of partnerships at a local level (sometimes associating private firms with commercial interests in selling pesticides).This research therefore shows that, besides other institutional and cognitive factors, the issue of accessing adequate evidence is of crucial importance to understand changes in policy making and the State and at the heart of great economic and socio-political conflicts. It also highlights the importance of taking into account structural determinants and evidence-related power games in order to evaluate the impacts of “participation” on improving technological choices.

政治代表著一種權威性的價值分配，政府的工作便是在制訂與執行這些價值分配的政策，其間必然牽涉到權力的形成、分配與運用，而菁英往往比一般人更有權力，因此菁英如何影響政策制訂是一個值得關注的問題。 而「國民身分健保合一智慧卡（簡稱國民卡）計畫」，從相關的報導中，筆者發現國民卡一案的決策過程乃是以菁英決策的方式出現，主要涉及行政菁英、立法菁英、知識菁英與企業菁英間的互動，因而希望藉由國民卡個案的探討，進一步對菁英理論如何應用於政策制訂過程有較為深入的了解。 本文係採文獻探討法與深度訪談法，首先對政策制訂過程與菁英理論進行探討，並將菁英分為行政菁英、立法菁英、知識菁英與企業菁英四類，進而就其角色、影響政策的策略進行說明，在獲得菁英理論如何應用於政策制訂過程的大致輪廓後，接著對國民卡政策制訂過程進行說明，並對國民卡方案中各類菁英運用策略進行分析，最後作出結論。 本文研究發現如下：一、國民卡方案的制訂，深受菁英理念之影響；二、社會大眾對國民卡方案制訂之影響有限；三、少數菁英對於政策有重大影響；四、權力由一元轉為多元。 在研究建議方面，本文除對菁英理論作出建議外，對於實務上亦提供相關政策建議，包括：一、政策綠皮書的公布；二、建立完善諮詢制度，善用吸納策略；三、採取漸進策略；四、強化政黨協商，適度滿足各方需求；五、健全資訊政策相關立法。

The primary aim of the study was to design a model for changing teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills. Currently, information regarding the conceptualisation of this topic is inadequate and vague. In this study the nature of the complexities involved in the management and implementation of the teaching of critical thinking skills were researched through a literature study and an empirical investigation. A model was then designed for the effective management of the implementation thereof. The findings from the research indicated that teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills to learners are negative. It also became evident that the school principal should manage the implementation of the teaching of critical thinking skills to learners. The focus of the proposed model is on how teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills can be changed to ensure quality educative teaching and learning in and outside of the classroom. The study therefore serves to present a useable model for the management of the implementation of teaching critical thinking skills to learners. The study is further based on a well balanced opinion as experiences of teachers in the senior phase (grades 7, 8, & 9) were investigated by means of structured questionnaires. Recommendations regarding research findings were made for stakeholders and education departmental officials to note. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Education Management))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.