Orientador : Caio Navarro de Toledo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T09:39:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Caldeira_JosedeRibamarChaves_M.pdf: 9885133 bytes, checksum: 266eb025e82e4d82f28a235be1a018de (MD5) Previous issue date: 1981 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Magíster en Ciencias Sociales mención Sociología de la Modernización / Las política públicas para pueblos indígenas ejecutadas durante el período de los gobiernos de la Concertación tiene sus orígenes en el Acuerdo firmado en la ciudad de Nueva Imperial el año 1989; desde entonces, ha existido la voluntad de establecer nuevas relaciones entre el Estado y dichos pueblos, asumiendo como válidas muchas de las demandas históricas que han expuesto los indígenas. Los avances experimentados durante el gobierno de Patricio Aylwin a partir de la promulgación de la Ley 19.253- Ley Indígena- y la creación de una institucionalidad que abordar las necesidades de los pueblos indígenas, fueron un signo inequívoco de la urgencia de reconocer el carácter multiétnico de la Nación Chilena y enfatizar la búsqueda de estrategias gubernamentales para promover el desarrollo indígena en todas sus áreas y el resguardo de sus identidades

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2016. / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T04:18:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 339021.pdf: 3302840 bytes, checksum: 1bd662ac69dc4b90ce1dfd1ff11474ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é analisar o posicionamento de Fernando Henrique Cardoso sobre as drogas e sua inserção no campo de discursividade sobre o tema. O referencial teórico utilizado é o da teoria pós-marxista do discurso - Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe - em articulação com autores da genealogia desta linha de pensamento, e outros que interpretam a teoria. O método de investigação é a análise de discurso, em contato com vídeos e textos, bem como pela observação das práticas de articulação política do campo discursivo, levando em consideração as especificidades da noção de discurso proposta pela escola pós-marxista. A escolha do ex-presidente, além de considerar sua importância em termos de capital simbólico, deve-se à repercussão de seu posicionamento a partir do documentário Quebrando o Tabu, no qual ele se declara favorável à descriminalização de todas as drogas e à regulamentação da maconha, sob a premissa do "fracasso da 'guerra às drogas'''. A publicidade e a importância social dada ao seu posicionamento são inferidas por meio da repercussão midiática em torno do documentário, a partir do estudo de reportagens e textos opinativos n' O Globo, Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo. Nossa hipótese básica é a de que o ex-presidente, como um dos elementos do discurso da descriminalização, insere-se nesse campo de discursividade com a intenção de um projeto hegemônico e, por isso, tentando constituir-se como um ponto de atração dos elementos do campo, representando-os e moldando-os. Conclui-se que Fernando Henrique Cardoso, como presidente da Comissão Global de Políticas sobre Drogas, estabelece uma rede de articulações, uma cadeia de equivalências, entre diversas personalidades e instituições que podem exercer influência para que mais demandas se articulem a esta cadeia. E tenta, desta forma, apresentar-se como uma alternativa viável contra a proibição das drogas. A partir disso, indicamos que desdobramentos, em termos de processos hegemônicos, limites e mudanças possíveis, podem estar envolvidos.<br> / Abstrac : The overall objective of this research is to analyze the position of Fernando Henrique Cardoso on drugs and his insertion into the discursive field on the topic. The theoretical framework is the post-Marxist discourse theory - Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe - in conjunction with authors of the genealogy of this line of thought, and others who interpret the theory. The research method is the discourse analysis, in contact with videos and texts as well as by observing the political practices of articulation of the discursive field, taking into account the specifics of the notion of discourse proposed by the post-Marxist school. The choice to work with the position of the former president, in addition to considering his importance in terms of symbolic capital, is due to the impact of the documentary Quebrando o Tabu, in which he declares himself in favor of the decriminalization of all drugs and the regulation of marijuana, under the premise of the "failure of the 'war on drugs'''. The publicity and the social importance given to his position are inferred through the media impact around the documentary, from the study of articles and opinion pieces in O Globo, Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo. Our basic hypothesis is that the former president, as one of the decriminalization discourse elements, becomes part of this field of discourse with the intention of reaching a hegemonic project and, therefore, trying to establish himself as a point of attraction of elements of the field, representing and molding them. We conclude that Fernando Henrique Cardoso, as president of the Global Commission on Drug Policy, establishes an articulatory network, a chain of equivalences between various personalities and institutions that can exert influence so that more demands are articulated to this chain. He tries, therefore, to present himself as a viable alternative against drug prohibition. Departing from this, we indicate what developments in terms of hegemonic processes, possible limits and changes may be involved.

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-31T22:42:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VivancoSepulveda_Alejandro_M.pdf: 10442572 bytes, checksum: f20b7e74e1fd9102c673215612e44134 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002 / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem por objetivo discutir a emergência de novos canais de comunicação e interação dos parlamentares com os cidadãos, o que vem sendo denominado de "Parlamento Eletrônico", sob a perspectiva das transformações pelas quais está passando a democracia representativa no mundo contemporâneo. O trabalho é desenvolvido a partir da concepção de que a mídia eletrônica, assim como também a nova mídia, constitui espaços preponderantes de visibilidade através dos quais se torna pública e se realiza a política no mundo contemporâneo. Ela configura espaços de interação, comunicação e visibilidade públicos cujas regras de funcionamento criam determinados contextos que influenciam e transformam o modo de se fazer política. Uma das principais características desse processo de transformação é o atual uso que os representantes políticos estão fazendo da mídia eletrônica - em especial da televisão de massa e comercial e, mais recentemente, também da nova mídia, como a tevê a cabo/satélite e as comunicações via Internet -, para estabelecer formas de comunicação e interação diretas com os cidadãos. É o que se constata, hoje, nas casas legislativas de todo o mundo através do surgimento das "tevês parlamentares" e das páginas webs dos parlamentos na Internet. A nova mídia aparece agora envolvida no próprio processo de governar, seja "publicizando" de forma imediata e direta as discussões e o processo de tomada de decisões em plenário seja incentivando o cidadão a interagir com seus representantes políticos, através do registro da sua opinião ou da escolha entre alternativas mediante um voto eletrônico. Estes seriam indícios dessa transformação da democracia representativa nos dias de hoje. Após contextualizar o "Parlamento Eletrônico" dentro dos projetos que hoje são denominados de "democracia eletrônica", para ilustrar esse novo momento da política representativa é focalizada a experiência particular do Senado Federal brasileiro com a nova mídia e também são apresentados alguns dados inéditos sobre as mensagens eletrônicas enviadas pelos cidadãos aos senadores, através do serviço "A Voz do Cidadão" / Abstract: This dissertation has the purpose of discusing the need of new ways of communication and interaction between parliamentarians and citizens that has been recieved the title of "Electronic Parliament", considering the changes that representative democratic societies have experienced in our contemporary world. The dissertation has been developed from the basis that electronic media, as the new media, represents important vehicles to open the discussion of problems of contemporary world. This media creates spaces of interaction, communication and public visibility whose roles of creates special context that induce and transform the way politics is being done. One of the main characteristics of this transformation process is the use that representative politicians are doing of electronic media-specially mass and commercial television, and recently, the new media, cable/satelite television and internet communication-, with the purpose of mantaining direct contact with citizens. It's what we can verify in many parliament offices all over the world with the creation of parliament TV channels and internet web sites. The new media is now involved even on the process of governing, imediately opening the discussion of different matters and the process of parliament decisions with the incentive of citizem to take part in the process of choosing the answers to the questions through electronic polls. The use of this means shows the changes of our democratic society. After considering the "Electronic Parliamenf' within the projects of the electronic democracy to show this new phase of representative politics, we focus on the specific case of Brazilian Senate and its relationship with this new media and important new data about the messages between citizens and senators using "A Voz do Cidadao" programm / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Leoncio Martins Rodrigues Netto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / O exemplar do AEL pertence a Coleção CPDS / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-16T01:23:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DelRoio_MarcosTadeu_M.pdf: 8895420 bytes, checksum: 95388ae6bffd54b502338dab22a02621 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1988 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Although democracy promotion initiatives have spread around the world and supported transition, many countries have fallen back into autocracy or stalled on their way to democracy. However, the events in the Middle East and Northern Africa have revitalised the issue of democratization. On the other hand, this cry for democracy seems to be homegrown, casting doubts about the efficacy of external democracy promotion. Nevertheless, stalled and setback democracies cannot be blamed solely on the flawed strategies of democracy promoters or autocratic stubbornness of democracy targets. Similarly, labelling democracy promotion as “the grand failure” of the West is an argumentative overstretch, which lacks any practical application. This dissertation argues that democracy can be achieved from outside, but the obstacles associated with it are more serious than anticipated by promoters. More specifically, the chances of liberal democracy being exported from outside will increase provided the utility of domestic adaptation to democracy is at least moderate, promoters are actively involved in resolution of pressing national issues, and there is no regional actor that blocks democracy and receives support for its policies from the target country. By structurally and conceptually expanding Schimmelfennig’s international socialization framework, this study develops an analytical framework to decipher mechanisms, strategies, and subsequent outcomes of democracy promotion and democratization. While applied to Armenia, the proposed framework is a useful reference for both academics and practitioners as it provides tools for researching the outcome of democracy and democratization and provides policy recommendations. This dissertation introduces the concept of democracy blocker—a powerful authoritarian regional actor capable and willing to influence domestic policy choices of a democracy promotion target in order to block democratization. This study also makes an empirical contribution by comparing democracy promotion policies in a country that has long been neglected by the academic literature. Using process-tracing, within-case, and before-after analyses, this study compares democracy promotion policies of the EU and the USA within three different target-sectors in Armenia. The analysis of three different target-sectors of democracy promotion—elections, parties, and the media—shows democratic transformation on the macro level of a country and micro level of specific sectors. This study argues that increased political and economic interdependence and interconnectedness of different realms within a democratizing country has led to merging of international democracy promotion and domestic democratization. In addition, the mere adoption of a law or a code of conduct does not guarantee the establishment of democracy and democratic behaviour by domestic stakeholders. Consequently, a likely upgrade of a formal democratic transformation into a behavioural one, would require democracy promoters to guarantee consistency in their efforts and follow-up on their activities, without assuming that a formally adopted rule or a completed project will necessarily assure rule-based behaviour. Thus, democracy promotion needs to be simultaneously cross-sectoral, offering material incentives for democratic transformation. Democracy promotion has the potential to not only produce numerous academic and policy analyses but also to result in a genuine democratic transformation, if promoters rationally choose their strategies and base them on existing domestic conditions.

In the last decades, an increasing awareness of instances of grave violation of human rights on a massive scale has brought to attention the problematic that whether states and the international community have an ethical responsibility to react to such cases, and (when the conditions require so) to undertake humanitarian military interventions. In the immediate post-Cold War environment, this has taken place parallel to the shift of focus in the security literature from national security towards human security. The varying responses to the grave cases of the 1990s such as Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo reaffirmed the necessity to undertake decisive and timely collective action, reminded the question of an ethical duty on the part of the international community to react to mass atrocities. By December 2001, the introduction of the concept of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) set a new framework to take up this question with the aim of transforming the notion of the “right to intervene” into a “responsibility to react”. With all its controversies humanitarian intervention continues to be a part of international political conduct. At the current state of affairs, humanitarian intervention has become politically relevant within the context of the RtoP doctrine. In this context, this dissertation seeks to assess the role of moral/ethical motives in the decisions and/or behaviour of the international community. Accordingly, it takes the assumption of humanitarian intervention as a moral duty as its subject matter, and puts it into test in relation to its newly defined limits and conduct within the RtoP framework.

States often invoke international norms to justify their foreign policy-making. In the last twenty years, a large body of literature has shown that norms matter in international politics since they provide frameworks for legitimate international action. Nevertheless, it is often overlooked that the absence of a centralized authority capable of enforcing and providing unambiguous interpretations of norms leaves states, particularly great powers, free to decide whether to recognize or reject the legitimacy of norms. In specific instances of foreign policy-making, states take actions that cohere with norms, while at other times they contest them. Operating in a decentralized system, international norms crucially depend on state support for their legitimacy, prominence, and effectiveness. Variations in the way states respond to norms call for an investigation into the domestic conditions that lead states to recognize or reject their legitimacy. These conditions will be investigated by comparing the attitudes of the United States and the United Kingdom towards the norms of humanitarian intervention and international criminal responsibility and by studying how these norms influence their policy-making. During the 1999 NATO intervention against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, both countries invoked the norm of humanitarian intervention. In contrast, during the 1998 Rome Conference for the adoption of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, their behavior diverged with the UK endorsing the Court and the US rejecting it. The analysis aims to discover the domestic actors that are responsible for how international norms are interpreted at the state level and the mechanisms and transmitters through which norms come to be viewed by states as legitimate or illegitimate frameworks of behavior.

Over the past two decades, the European Union has taken important steps towards the establishment of a common European asylum policy. The question of the impact of this cooperation on domestic asylum policy has so far received surprisingly little attention. Most explanations have focused on how an agreement on restrictive policies was achieved at EU level, and assumed a relatively unproblematic implementation of these measures domestically. More recently, some scholars have contested these explanations by emphasizing the rights-enhancing effects of recent EU asylum policy legislation. This thesis argues that rather than focusing on the question of whether EU cooperation increases or decreases domestic asylum policy standards, we should focus on explaining how EU asylum policy affects domestic asylum policy. The question can only be addressed satisfactorily if the inter-related processes of arriving at these policies at EU level and implementing them domestically are taken into account. The theoretical account proposed here conceives of preferences as the crucial variable connecting the processes of uploading and downloading. The main argument of this thesis is that governments try to project their policy preferences which reflect their desire to change or retain domestic status quo and to download policies in accordance with these preferences. At the EU level, governments seek to upload or support policies in line with their domestically-shaped preferences and oppose those which contradict them or at least seek flexibility allowing them to maintain existing policies. At the national level, states download EU policy selectively, in line with their domestically-shaped preferences, leading to over-implementing, under-implementing or not implementing certain provisions. In addition, the thesis locates the sources of these preferences on asylum policy in public opinion, party ideology, and the number of asylum seekers. The dissertation shows that issue salience in the media and among the general public affects the relationship between these variables. Depending on the political-institutional context, the factors identify above interact with each other, resulting in differential impact of EU asylum policy on domestic policy. The thesis distinguishes between simple and compound polities, and shows how they differ in their responsiveness to the variables identified above, in the frequency and stability of reforms, and in the way they use the EU to facilitate domestic change. It also demonstrates that in compound polities preferences are mostly influenced by party ideology while in simple ones they are more likely to reflect public opinion. In order to trace the impact of EU cooperation in asylum policy on domestic policy, this dissertation employs process tracing and a three-step analytical framework which encompasses preference formation, EU-level negotiations and implementation. Such framework allows us to answer the question of the impact of EU asylum policy on national ones without under- or overstating the role of the EU. The dissertation applies this framework to study all major EU asylum policy agreements adopted between 1990 and the completion of the first phase of the Common European Asylum System in 2007, and their impact in Germany and Britain.

Over the last decade, EU–Russia gas relations have witnessed significant deterioration—the bilateral agenda has been narrowed down to ad hoc consultations, disputes over investment and long-term contract provisions have multiplied, and disagreements between the EU and Russia have significantly hindered the multilateral process of the Energy Charter Treaty (the ECT). This deterioration seems to be rather paradoxical in light of high gas interdependence between the EU and Russia and a rich history of well-established cooperation during the Cold War under profound ideological and strategic constraints. In addition, conflictual patterns in EU–Russia gas relations occurred in the beginning of the 2000s, during the period of high oil prices and growing global natural gas demand—the period when enhancement of cooperation would be a more expected outcome. Therefore, the core research question of the thesis addresses the puzzle: why, despite decades of cooperation during the Cold War between Western European countries and the USSR, have EU–Russia gas relations become conflictual since the 2000s? By answering this research question, the study seeks to contribute to the analysis of institutionalisation of energy relations and to reveal factors that lead to cooperative or conflictual outcomes. So far, IR research inquiries in the field have prioritised resource and normative determinisms in addressing the success or failure of energy cooperation, which assume a geopolitical-realist struggle for energy resources and a priori benevolence of free markets in line with the neoliberal economic agenda respectively. The broader geopolitical approach has explained energy conflicts by structural factors of unequal resource allocation across the world and attributed a direct impact of a state resource base (an energy-rich or energy-poor state) on states’ behaviour in the international arena. Another strand of the literature, ‘the market approach’, has also viewed problematic cooperation as a result of different interests of energy producers and consumers—but from a slightly different perspective. Limited institutionalisation of interactions has been explained by different models of gas markets producers and consumers choose. Thus, consumers favour a model of the competitive liberalised gas market (a market actor model), while producers would opt for a model of vertically-integrated monopoly and resource nationalism (a geopolitical actor model) in order to preserve control over resources. Pointing to a number of opposite cases, this study disregards the straightforward assumption that there is a direct link between a resource base and states’ strategies in the international arena. Bringing domestic conditions back to these debates, the study argues that increasing differences between the EU and Russia’s domestic institutional models of the gas market have been the main factor that has triggered conflictual patterns in EU–Russia gas relations since the 2000s. These domestic institutional changes have replaced attempts to build a strategic partnership with ad hoc consultations at the level of practical implementation, and have triggered broader deinstitutionalisation of multilateral gas governance in Europe. The three case studies analyse three instances of EU–Russia gas relations, tracing the crucial differences to determine the outcome—cooperation (a creation of a new or enhancement of an existing international institution), institutionalised conflict (disagreements regarding institutional settings of interactions, which are discussed and settled within the procedures of pre-existing or negotiated international institutions), or institutional conflict (expansion of disagreements beyond the pre-existing or negotiated framework of international institutions, which are no more accepted by the parties for conflict resolution) between the parties. The thesis contributes to ongoing debates about the impact of domestic institutions on actors’ policy strategies in the international arena, bringing insights from energy economics, energy law, and regulatory studies to IR. It argues that differences in domestic models under conditions of high interdependence might lead to politicisation of gas market issues and broader aspects of energy governance. The study also enriches debates about energy security, arguing that energy security depends also on a stable and predictable institutional framework for interactions, which inter alia requires compatibility of actors’ domestic models.