The master thesis titled Ideologization and fragmentation of Skinhead subculture deals with historical background of Skinhead subculture genesis and with cleavages, that determinated its ideologization and fragmentation. Simultaneously it pays close attention to analysis of various branches of the Skinhead subculture. The first chapter of the thesis builds theoretical foundations of the research. In this chapter the terms culture, subculture and counterculture are explained. Accentutation is placed on common denominators as well as on differences in the definition of these terms. The second chapter of the master thesis deals equally with historical background of Skinhead subculture genesis and with subcultures with a significant impact on the formation of the Skinhead subculture. In this chapter the attention is focused on historical facts of political development in Great Britain after The Second World War, on subcultures popular at that time and on foundation of the Skinhead subculture. The third chapter of this thesis analyzes infiltration of the political ideologies inside the subculture and the following fragmentation of Skinheads. Research in this chapter is focused on the spread of extreme right-wing elements, foundation of the racist branch of the subculture and sequentially on the reaction...

This thesis describes how the religious-secular, economic, and cultural dimensions come to expression in the electoral manifestos of two political parties in the 2016 elections in Morocco. The parties in question are the Islamist-oriented Party of Justice and Development (PJD) and the non-Islamist Party of Authenticity and Modernity (PAM), viewed as leading contenders and emerged as the two biggest parties in the same election year. This study applies a qualitative text analysis of the manifestos and shows that the parties differed on two dimensions of three. The parties showed the most significant difference under the religious-secular dimension, where PJD supported increased religious influence on policymaking. In contrast, PAM kept itself neutral and neither supported nor opposed religious influence on state affairs. The next most significant difference was found under the cultural dimension. Both parties expressed support for gender equality, albeit PAM was more ambitious and proposed an amendment to the family law to equalize women with men regarding the right of the Moroccan woman to transfer her citizenship to her non-Moroccan husband. In contrast, PJD proposed extending maternity leave and fighting violence against women. The slightest differences were found under the economic dimension. Surprisingly, both parties advocated for almost the same free-market and redistribution policies even though they represented two opposing blocks in the Moroccan party system.

The purpose of the following is to study whether there are gender differences in the sense of personal responsibility during the coronavirus pandemic. By using quantitative data from Ipsos,various quantitative methods were used to study whether these potential differences can be explained by factors such as level of concern, risk perception, social trust, institutional trust, and political ideology. All analyses have been conducted while considering control variables such as age, education, and income to ensure transparent results. The findings from the survey have been analyzed using Yvonne Hirdman's theories, focusing on the "gender contract." The theoretical framework assumes that there are differences between men and women in their behavior during crises, since previous research has indicated such assumptions. The results of this study indicate that there in fact are gender differences in personal responsibility during the Covid-19 pandemic,which shows that worry, risk perception and ideology could be a part of the explanation of these differences.

Twenty-three years after the ground-breaking UN Resolution 1325, the goal of worldwide gender equality is still not achieved. This paper investigates how a government's political ideology is related to its Women, Peace and Security (WPS) approach. The research question is addressed by arguing that the political ideology of a government influences the quality of its WPS approaches and implementation attempts differently due to varying inherent institutional norms. The hypothesis and theoretical argument suggest that left-wing governments promote gender-friendly norms and support gender equality approaches, leading to better WPS implementation. To test this hypothesis, an Ordinal Logistic Regression is run for countries worldwide that have developed at least one National Action Plan (NAP) between 2006 and 2021. The empirical findings partially reject the hypothesis' expected direction, showing that leftist governments not only positively impact WPS quality when compared to rightist counterparts. Additionally, the research indicates that institutional norms are not a causal mechanism but another independent effect. The findings further suggest that gender inequality plays a role in WPS implementation, with greater inequality associated with better NAP quality. These contradicting findings call for future research, especially by focusing on finding new ways to measure the WPS implementation efforts.

Despite the presence of metaphors in American political discourse, little scholarly attention has been paid to the functioning of economic metaphors. This study addresses this shortcoming by examining the use of economic metaphors in contentious argument, while paying attention to how metaphor's linguistic variability derives from the rhetorical nature of discourse, and how the context of conflicting ideologies facilitates clashes between larger political metaphors. After establishing the ubiquity of metaphor in economic policy discourse, this study elaborates on an understanding of a fractured political discourse with an historical model that traces this fracture back to four dominant ideological positions. Finally, rhetorical criticism grounds the research by refining a conceptual theory of metaphor into a methodology that directs attention to more elaborate analogies and extra-discursive narrative elements. The chosen artifact for this study is Bill Clinton’s 2012 Democratic National Convention speech, due to its relevance in contemporary American political and economic discourse. Clinton’s address defended Obama’s incumbent appeal for a second term as U.S. president by concentrating on the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis as a case study about the philosophical differences between the Democratic and Republican Parties. Clinton constructs a narrative of the American economy by using individualistic progress metaphors that animate a cooperation-conflict dichotomy of Democratic and Republican opposition. In turn, Clinton borrows from and contributes to a set of more broadly salient path metaphors that cohere around a future-oriented and generative conceptualization of Modern Liberal public policy.

Le sionisme est un mouvement politique et une idéologie nationale. Son histoire, si elle est celle d'une libération nationale, est aussi celle d'une tragédie. C'est une tragédie partagée par deux peuples dont les aspirations sont tout autant légitimes. Afin de bien comprendre et éventuellement d'être en mesure de surmonter cette tragédie, une analyse morphologique du sionisme est entreprise. L'approche morphologique de l'étude des idéologies a été développée par Michael Freeden. Appliquée au sionisme, elle fait ressortir quatre concepts fondamentaux de cette idéologie : la nation, l'antisémitisme, galout et la renaissance nationale. L'analyse de ces quatre concepts permettra de suivre l'évolution conceptuelle du sionisme à travers le temps et ses différentes variations idéationnelles. De plus, cela permettra de montrer comment le sionisme en tant qu'idéologie nationale s'est transformé en fonction des contextes sociopolitiques auxquels il était confronté. / Zionism is a political movement, a national ideology. Its history is one of national liberation but also of tragedy, a tragedy faced by two peoples with equally legitimate aspirations to the same piece of territory. In order to help understand that tragedy as well as, one day, how it may perhaps be overcome, a morphological analysis of Zionism is undertaken. The morphological approach to the study of ideologies was first developed by Michael Freeden. Applied to Zionism, it reveals four core concepts of the ideology - nation, antisemitism, galout and national renaissance. Their analysis aims to account for the conceptual evolution of Zionism both diachronically and as regards its numerous ideational variations, thus providing an account of how it evolved through a changing sociopolitical context.

Since the Civil Rights era, African Americans have come a long way. In the years since the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, there have been dramatic increases in education, political representation, business ownership, and occupational position. Yet, for all of the economic, social and political advances made in the African American community, many young people are still subjected to inferior schools, housing and depressed communities where crime, drugs, police brutality and HIV/AIDS run rampant. As a result, there is a growing tension among the community over the root causes of their predicament and the most adequate way of dealing with them. Based on the generational political theory, this dissertation examines generational effects within the African American community since 1964. From this period, three distinct cohorts are analyzed: the Civil Rights, Integration, and Hip Hop generations. The objective is to determine if different experiences over this period have modified political values, attitudes, and behaviors from one generation to the next. Using data from the 1996 National Black Elections Study (NBES), I examine public policy preferences and political attitudes of African Americans. I use bivariate and multivariate analysis to show generational gaps in attitudes about issues related to major party performance. I draw three major conclusions from this analysis. First, racial group interests remain powerfully important across all cohorts. Next, the Hip Hop generation tends to hold more conservative attitudes than either the Civil Rights or the Integration generations. Finally, I conclude that at the very core of black politics, political values have not changed. However, there is a tension among the Hip Hop cohort between the impending attitudinal changes and the more traditional values of the Civil Rights cohort. The proposed dissertation contributes to the body of research by analyzing generational politics and behavior to better understand the future of black politics in the 21st century.

The knowledge base of empirical psychology is more expansive than ever before. So too is the impulse to integrate this factual knowledge into political theory. But how should this psychological turn be undertaken? What would a political psychology for political theorists look like? How could psychology credibly tackle the questions that political theorists characteristically ask, especially regarding the nature and consequences of prescriptive political judgment? In this thesis, I explore this issue through the framework of recent debates between political moralists—specifically, John Rawls, G. A. Cohen, and Peter Singer—and political realists—largely Bernard Williams. Deploying the insights of political realists, I argue that moralists cannot quarantine the relevance of psychological facts through the ideal of a 'pure' normative judgment. To explore what this empirical engagement might look like, I contrast these moralist ideals of judgment with Jonathan Haidt’s social intuitionism, which proposes a more affectively laden and pluralistic model of judgment. I then redeploy the insights of political realism to critique social intuitionism, to uncover its weaknesses from the perspective of existing political theory. Finally, to stabilize this critique, I lay out the framework for a reflexive political psychology, which acknowledges the co-constitutive relationship between the discipline of psychology and its subject matter: human psychology. This reflexive political psychology offers an agenda by which we can investigate the political usefulness of psychological and political theories.

This thesis is empirically grounded in New Zealand's restructuring of unemployment and taxation policy in the 1980s and 1990s. Theoretically it is inspired by a post-Marxist discourse analytical approach that focuses on discourses as political strategies. This approach has made it possible, through an analysis of changing citizenship discourses, to understand how the neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime proceeded via debate and struggle over unemployment and taxation policy. Debates over unemployment and taxation in New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s reconfigured the targets of policy and re-ordered social antagonism, establishing a neoliberal citizenship regime and centring political problematic. This construction of a neoliberal citizenship regime involved re-specifying the targets of public policy as consumers and taxpayers. In exploring the hegemonic discourse strategies of the Fourth Labour Government and the subsequent National-led governments of the 1990s, this thesis traces the process of reconfiguring citizen subjectivity initially as 'social consumers' and participants in a coalition of minorities, and subsequently as universal taxpayers in antagonistic relation to unemployed beneficiaries. These changes are related back to key discursive events in New Zealand's recent social policy history as well as to shifts in the discourses of politicians that address the nature of the public interest and the targets of social policy. I argue that this neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime was the outcome of the hegemonic articulatory discourse strategies of governing parties in the 1980s and 1990s. Struggles between government administrations and citizen-based social movement groups were articulated to the neoliberal project. I also argue that in the late 1990s, discursive struggle between the dominant parties to define themselves in difference from each other reveals both the 'de'contestation of a set of neoliberal policy prescriptions, underscoring the neoliberal political problematic, and the privileging of a contributing taxpayer identity as the source of political legitimacy. This study shows that the dynamics of discursive struggle matter and demonstrates how the outcomes of discursive struggle direct policy change. In particular, it establishes how neoliberal discourse strategies evolved from political discourses in competition with other discourses to become the hegemonic political problematic underscoring institutional practice and policy development.

Le sionisme est un mouvement politique et une idéologie nationale. Son histoire, si elle est celle d'une libération nationale, est aussi celle d'une tragédie. C'est une tragédie partagée par deux peuples dont les aspirations sont tout autant légitimes. Afin de bien comprendre et éventuellement d'être en mesure de surmonter cette tragédie, une analyse morphologique du sionisme est entreprise. L'approche morphologique de l'étude des idéologies a été développée par Michael Freeden. Appliquée au sionisme, elle fait ressortir quatre concepts fondamentaux de cette idéologie : la nation, l'antisémitisme, galout et la renaissance nationale. L'analyse de ces quatre concepts permettra de suivre l'évolution conceptuelle du sionisme à travers le temps et ses différentes variations idéationnelles. De plus, cela permettra de montrer comment le sionisme en tant qu'idéologie nationale s'est transformé en fonction des contextes sociopolitiques auxquels il était confronté. / Zionism is a political movement, a national ideology. Its history is one of national liberation but also of tragedy, a tragedy faced by two peoples with equally legitimate aspirations to the same piece of territory. In order to help understand that tragedy as well as, one day, how it may perhaps be overcome, a morphological analysis of Zionism is undertaken. The morphological approach to the study of ideologies was first developed by Michael Freeden. Applied to Zionism, it reveals four core concepts of the ideology - nation, antisemitism, galout and national renaissance. Their analysis aims to account for the conceptual evolution of Zionism both diachronically and as regards its numerous ideational variations, thus providing an account of how it evolved through a changing sociopolitical context.