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The author explores the traditional approaches to interpretation in a constitutional democracy, with specific emphasis on Bill of Rights interpretation. The approaches adopted by the court in India and Canada, are briefly outlined with a view to gleaning from the experience of these countries, a theory which will inform a proper approach to interpretation in a South African context. He concludes that the value-based approach is most appropriate to concretise the rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights, and specifically the so-called second and third generation rights. Addressing the fear that this may lead to an undisciplined judiciary, he concludes that there are sufficient disciplinning mechanisms to ensure that the courts do not encroach upon the other branches of government. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.M.

Most studies of emerging Swedish parties and politics have mainly focused on the Swedish Social Democrats and their struggle for democracy and political power, most as a prelude  to the so called ”Swedish Model”. Competing parties have received attention from historians on the national level, but their local origin remains to large extent an open field. The aim of this study is to investigate how local political factors shaped the emerging liberal party organizations in two small Swedish towns. By a case-oriented comparison two towns are contrasted, Skövde in Skaraborg county and Filipstad in Värmland. This thesis suggests that the distinction between national politics and municipal government, based on the interests of economic elites, was transformed during the period 1880-1920. During this period local elections and local government became increasingly sites for political struggle between different parties, with new agendas. With a framework that considered parties in light of their functions rather than organizational types and theoretical concepts borrowed from the sociology of social movements, the thesis main results suggest that political mobilization and liberal party-formation was depending on the local political traditions. The theoretical framework made it possible to pinpoint both similarities and differences between the cases. The results of the study indicate that the historical tradition is central to parties to emerge and flourish. This suggests that it is more meaningful to focus attention on local and regional processes to understand the historical development than has previously been done. / De svenska partiernas historia är relativt väl känd på nationell nivå, men deras lokala ursprung är mindre utforskat och inte minst gäller det borgerliga partier. I den här avhandlingen undersöks hur lokalpolitiska faktorer formade de framväxande frisinnade, eller liberala, lokalorganisationerna i Filipstad och Skövde. Avhandlingen visar att politisk mobilisering och politisk organisering i städerna i hög grad formades av lokala och regionala politiska traditioner. Den visar också att kommunerna var politiserade långt före att de nationella partierna tog hand om valen och kommunala frågor.   Studien visar att det fanns en kontinuitet mellan äldre lokala partier och de lokalavdelningar av nationella partier som etablerades efter sekelskiftet 1900. Det var en kontinuitet som återspeglades såväl ideologiskt som organisatoriskt.     Avhandlingens resultat pekar på att det är mer meningsfullt att fokusera uppmärksamheten mot lokala och regionala politiseringsprocesser för att förstå den generella politiska utvecklingen i Sveriges historia än vad som tidigare har gjorts. Anders Forsell är doktorand i historia inom Forskarskolan i regionalt samhällsbyggande. Det här är hans doktorsavhandling.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-11-29T15:28:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Cruz de Sousa Júnior_.pdf: 3735315 bytes, checksum: 33779ed2b705111abc76bf03d2cc9392 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-29T15:28:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Cruz de Sousa Júnior_.pdf: 3735315 bytes, checksum: 33779ed2b705111abc76bf03d2cc9392 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-19 / Nenhuma / A questão urbana tem sido objeto de estudo das Ciências Sociais há décadas, constituindo-se em terreno fértil de análise diante da multiplicidade de atores, cenários e conflitos motivados por iniquidades. Tomando-se as cidades como o local das oportunidades, não são todos aqueles que têm acesso aos recursos ofertados, sobremaneira as populações mais pobres. A impossibilidade de deslocamento pelo tecido urbano se traduz na limitação do direito de uso da cidade, o que cerceia a possibilidade de desenvolvimento dos cidadãos. Neste contexto, os movimentos sociais passam a desempenhar o papel de trazer para a agenda política, questões que são essenciais para a redução das desigualdades tão facilmente encontradas nas regiões metropolitanas brasileiras. Também aí as Ciências Sociais se debruçam para compreender questões que vão da compreensão acerca da sua morfologia até os efeitos gerados por suas ações. Este estudo se volta à análise, a partir dos conceitos centrais da Teoria do Processo Político (TPP), dos impactos gerados pelas ações de um movimento social urbano, o Movimento Passe Livre (MPL), em torno da pauta da mobilidade e do acesso à cidade. Como eixo central está a tramitação da Proposta de Emenda à Constituição (PEC) nº 90, de 2011, de autoria da deputada federal Luiza Erundina. Divide-se em três partes: i) a compreensão da dinâmica urbana, suas desigualdades e os processos de exclusão; ii) a observação das políticas de mobilidade urbana e de como a segregação se dá por meio da limitação do acesso ao transporte; e iii) a análise do repertório de ações do MPL em defesa do acesso ao transporte; a relação socioestatal e o seu impacto na tramitação da PEC. / The urban issue has been object of study of Social Sciences for decades, being in a rich field of analysis before the multiplicity of actors, scenarios and conflicts motivated by iniquities. Considering cities as a place of opportunities, not everybody has access to the resources offered, especially the poorest populations. The impossibility of urban displacement reflects in the limitation of the city right of use, which limits the possibility of citizens development. In this context, social movements are fundamental to bring to the political agenda issues that are essential for reducing the inequalities so easily found in Brazilian metropolitan regions. Thus, Social Sciences also work to assimilate questions ranging from the understanding of their morphology to the effects generated by their actions. This study is based on the central concepts of Political Process Theory (TPP), the impacts made by the actions of an urban social movement, the Free Pass Movement (MPL), on the agenda of mobility and access to the city. As central axis is the procedure of the Proposed Amendment to Constitution (PEC) No. 90, 2011, authored by federal deputy Luiza Erundina. Thus, it is divided in three parts: i) the understanding of urban dynamics, its inequalities and the processes of exclusion; ii) observation of urban mobility policies and how segregation occurs by limiting access to transport; And iii) analysis of MPL's repertoire of actions in defense of access to transportation, the socioeconomic relationship and its impact on the PEC process.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-05-08T17:02:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Henrique Lima Paixão_.pdf: 1912966 bytes, checksum: 59e5cd33c28ee3821d481aac4d445245 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-08T17:02:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Henrique Lima Paixão_.pdf: 1912966 bytes, checksum: 59e5cd33c28ee3821d481aac4d445245 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-26 / Nenhuma / Esse estudo se propõe a analisar o movimento da comunidade Surda na campanha pela oficialização da Libras, no período de 1990 a 2002, na perspectiva da Teoria do Processo Político (TPP), com foco especial no Repertório de Ação com táticas de lobbying. O cerne da pesquisa está na dinâmica entre as ações do Movimento Surdo e a tramitação do PLS 131/96, posteriormente transformado no PL nº 4857/98, até sua aprovação em abril de 2002, e o emprego do Repertório de ação, com táticas de lobby, como determinante nessa conquista. A Oficialização da Libras, no ano de 2002, foi para a comunidade Surda brasileira o resultado de muitos anos de luta. Essa vitória refletiu o esforço de um grupo que por muitos anos foi deixado à margem das deliberações sobre questões de seu interesse distintivo, como, por exemplo, a educação. Isso se deu, inicialmente, através de uma rede de relações sociais que se desenvolveu a partir de associações esportivas e instituições religiosas e educacionais, tendo o grupo delineado a importância de organizar-se politicamente e assumir o protagonismo em seus embates. Foi fundamental, nesse processo, a atuação da FENEIS – Federação Nacional de Educação e Integração dos Surdos, pois partiu dela a organização de grande parte das ações coletivas que culminaram no Projeto de Lei nº 131/96, apresentado pela senadora Benedita da Silva do PT-RJ, que mais tarde foi transformado na Lei Ordinária Federal nº 10.436 – Lei de Libras (Língua Brasileira de Sinais).Para acercar-se do objeto e dos sujeitos de que trata este estudo, foi realizada pesquisa bibliográfica e documental da história do movimento engendrado pela comunidade surda brasileira e instituições políticas, em diversos arquivos e centros de documentação, como também por meio eletrônico. Ao final, essa dissertação conclui que o uso do lobby do Movimento Surdo junto a representantes políticos, especialmente do legislativo federal, foi determinante para oficialização da Libras / This study intends to analyze the movement of the Deaf community along the process for the Libras Language institutionalization, from 1990 to 2002, from the perspective of the Political Process (TPP), with a special focus on the Repertory of Action with lobbying tactics. The core of the research lies in the dynamics between the actions of the Deaf movement and the processing of PLS 131/96, which was subsequently transformed into PL 4857/98, until its approval in April of 2002, and the use of the Repertory of Action, with lobbying tactics, as determinant for this achievement. When Libras was made official in 2002, it was the result of many years of struggle for the Brazilian Deaf community. This victory reflected the efforts of a group that for many years was marginalized, not being able to take part in the decisions concerning its distinctive interest, such as, education. This was initially done through a social network that was developed from sports associations and religious and educational institutions, and the group outlined the importance of getting politically organized and being protagonist in their struggles. The performance of FENEIS - National Federation of Education and Integration of the Deaf was essential to this process because it started the organization of most part of the collective actions that culminated in Bill No. 131/96, presented by Senator Benedita da Silva of PT-RJ, which was later transformed into Federal Ordinary Law 10,436 - Law of Libras (Brazilian signs language) .To get closer to the object and subjects of this study, a bibliographical and a documentary research was made on the history of the movement engendered by the Brazilian deaf community and institutions in various archives and documentation centers, as well as through media archives. At the end, this dissertation concludes that the lobby made by the Deaf movement among the political representatives, especially from the federal legislature, was determinant for making Libras the official language for the deaf people.

Considerable energy and resources continue to be expended on accounting rule-making, particularly through standard setting. This has been the case both at the national and international (global) level for a long time. Despite this, there is continuing dissatisfaction with what has been achieved. Criticism continues to be expressed over the rule-makers, their processes of setting rules as well as the rules being produced. Based on a detailed longitudinal case study of one process of setting an international accounting standard this study suggests a comprehensive model for understanding the (international) accounting standard setting process. In addition to the previously emphasised role of politics, it also recognises the potential significance of learning and executive concerns, as well as significant interactions between these three sub-processes of accounting standard setting. In doing this the suggested model provides a framework for approaching concerns regarding the prospects of, and problems involved in, accounting standard setting as a means of achieving (more) standardised accounting practices. A significant part of this book provides a detailed account explaining why the IASC published a standard on income tax requiring the balance sheet liability method in 1996. This case is especially interesting, not only because income tax constitutes a considerable expense for most companies, but also because the revised standard implied a change in financial accounting practices in most countries. The appendix contains several numerical examples illustrating the difference between alternative methods of accounting for income tax / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2005

The author explores the traditional approaches to interpretation in a constitutional democracy, with specific emphasis on Bill of Rights interpretation. The approaches adopted by the court in India and Canada, are briefly outlined with a view to gleaning from the experience of these countries, a theory which will inform a proper approach to interpretation in a South African context. He concludes that the value-based approach is most appropriate to concretise the rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights, and specifically the so-called second and third generation rights. Addressing the fear that this may lead to an undisciplined judiciary, he concludes that there are sufficient disciplinning mechanisms to ensure that the courts do not encroach upon the other branches of government. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.M.

I applied McAdam's political process model for social movement analysis to examine the level of collective resistance to high stakes testing in California, Massachusetts, New York, South Carolina, and Texas from 1985 to 2005. Data on protest occurrences in those states were gathered from online news reports, anti-testing organization websites, and electronic interviews from individuals associated with the anti-testing movement. Variables used in the analysis included each state's key educational accountability legislation, political affiliations of state political leaders, state political leaders' support of accountability issues, student ethnicity profiles, poverty indicators, dropout rates, and collective bargaining laws. I examined the relationship between those variables and protest development in terms of the political process model's three components: framing processes, mobilizing structures, and political opportunity. I concluded California and Massachusetts, with their strong networks of anti-testing organizations, showed more instances of protest than any other state. Slightly fewer protests occurred in New York. Texas showed few instances of anti-testing protests and there were no reports of protests in South Carolina. There was evidence of framing efforts from both proponents and opponents of high-stakes testing, with proponents' framing efforts tending to be more covert. I found that anti-testing protests were primarily initiated by middle-class and affluent groups of citizens, who demonstrated greater political access but whose major concerns differed by state. Evidence showed that although all five states have Republican governors, protests emerged more readily in the three states whose legislatures had a Democratic majority. I found that protest efforts were inhibited when protesters faced serious consequences as a result of their actions. In addition, state political leaders began to take part in the anti-testing protest movement once the state became subject to sanctions under the strict performance requirements imposed by No Child Left Behind. Overall, the political process model proved to be a highly efficient analytical tool in this context.

(EN) Civil society is made up of committed individuals, non-governmental non-profit organizations, their employees, volunteers, and other supporters, as well as relations among these actors. Civil society activities include community development, advancement of leisure and professional interests, services to vulnerable groups, as well as efforts to intervene in the political process and to support certain legislation and systemic change. This work focuses on the latter, i.e. the ways how civil society actors influence the political process. In the introductory chapter I present an overview of the current research of civil society and political activism in the Czech Republic and other post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe. In this chapter, I identify five central propositions that can be formulated on the basis of existing scientific discussion and I subject them to a critical assessment. In addition, I argue that against the backdrop of the discussion, two streams of literature can be distinguished which differ in their assessment of civil society's quality in Central and Eastern Europe. I try to clarify the reasons for these contradictions. In the second chapter I offer an overview of social movements theories, thus completing the theoretical basis for the empirical part of this...