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1	Racionalidade política e econômica no Governo Geisel (1974-1979) : um estudo sobre o II PND e o projeto de institucionalização do regime militar Spengler, Rafael Luís January 2015 (has links) Este trabalho estuda as motivações políticas e a racionalidade econômica do governo Ernesto Geisel. A pesquisa é baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. A questão central do trabalho é: em que medida os objetivos políticos e econômicos do governo Ernesto Geisel estão associados? Qual a racionalidade da adoção do II PND e sua conexão com o projeto de institucionalização do regime militar? A hipótese a ser testada é a adoção do II PND como politicamente e economicamente racional. Tem-se, a priori, que racionalidade econômica e racionalidade política podem ser compreendidas em conjunto. São discutidas as singularidades do governo autoritário e de s ua legitimidade, o papel da oposição e das eleições, além do objetivo de institucionalização do regime, condição para o projeto de distensão política pretendido. É recapitulada a conjuntura econômica do período Geisel, são analisadas as reformas institucionais realizadas e avaliadas as políticas econômicas e seus efetivos resultados, com especial atenção ao II PND. A seguir, são confrontadas as principais interpretações sobre o governo Geisel e o II PND. Finalmente, é proposta uma avaliação sobre a racionalidade econômica e política do governo Geisel com o auxilio do modelo de Acemoglu e Robinson (2001). Como resultados principais, são identificados elementos que atestam a racionalidade econômica do projeto desenvolvimentista em meio à crise do petróleo, bem como a confluência dessa racionalidade à pretensão maior de institucionalizar o regime militar brasileiro para dar vazão ao processo de distensão política, com o que se argumenta também que a sustentação do crescimento econômico pode ser compreendida como uma estratégia politicamente racional. / This dissertation studies the political motivations and the economic rationality of Ernesto Geisel government. The research is based on bibliographical and documentary research. The central issue of this paper is: to what extent the political and economic objectives of the Ernesto Geisel's government are associated? What is the rationale for the adoption of the II PND and its connection with the institutionalization of military regime project? The hypothesis to be tested is the adoption of the II PND as politically and economically rational. It is considered, a priori, that economic rationality and political rationality can be understood together. It discusses singularities of the authoritarian government and its legitimacy, the role of the opposition and the elections, furthermore the regime institutionalization objective as condition for the intended policy of transition project. It sets out economic conditions of the Geisel period, analyzes the institutional reforms undertaken and evaluates the economic policies and their effective results, with special attention to the II PND. Following the main interpretations of the Geisel government and the II PND are confronted. Finally, it is proposed an evaluation of the economic rationality and Geisel government policy with the help of the Acemoglu and Robinson (2001) model. As main results are identified elements that attest to the economic rationality of the development project in the midst of the oil crisis, and the confluence of this rationality with the largest claim of institutionalize the Brazilian military regime to give way to political transition process, what also argues that sustaining economic growth can be understood as a politically rational strategy. Governo Ernesto Geisel : 1974-1979 Desenvolvimento econômico Política econômica Governo militar : Brasil Economic rationality Political rationality Ernesto Geisel government Second national develpmental plan Brazilian military regime
2	Racionalidade política e econômica no Governo Geisel (1974-1979) : um estudo sobre o II PND e o projeto de institucionalização do regime militar Spengler, Rafael Luís January 2015 (has links) Este trabalho estuda as motivações políticas e a racionalidade econômica do governo Ernesto Geisel. A pesquisa é baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. A questão central do trabalho é: em que medida os objetivos políticos e econômicos do governo Ernesto Geisel estão associados? Qual a racionalidade da adoção do II PND e sua conexão com o projeto de institucionalização do regime militar? A hipótese a ser testada é a adoção do II PND como politicamente e economicamente racional. Tem-se, a priori, que racionalidade econômica e racionalidade política podem ser compreendidas em conjunto. São discutidas as singularidades do governo autoritário e de s ua legitimidade, o papel da oposição e das eleições, além do objetivo de institucionalização do regime, condição para o projeto de distensão política pretendido. É recapitulada a conjuntura econômica do período Geisel, são analisadas as reformas institucionais realizadas e avaliadas as políticas econômicas e seus efetivos resultados, com especial atenção ao II PND. A seguir, são confrontadas as principais interpretações sobre o governo Geisel e o II PND. Finalmente, é proposta uma avaliação sobre a racionalidade econômica e política do governo Geisel com o auxilio do modelo de Acemoglu e Robinson (2001). Como resultados principais, são identificados elementos que atestam a racionalidade econômica do projeto desenvolvimentista em meio à crise do petróleo, bem como a confluência dessa racionalidade à pretensão maior de institucionalizar o regime militar brasileiro para dar vazão ao processo de distensão política, com o que se argumenta também que a sustentação do crescimento econômico pode ser compreendida como uma estratégia politicamente racional. / This dissertation studies the political motivations and the economic rationality of Ernesto Geisel government. The research is based on bibliographical and documentary research. The central issue of this paper is: to what extent the political and economic objectives of the Ernesto Geisel's government are associated? What is the rationale for the adoption of the II PND and its connection with the institutionalization of military regime project? The hypothesis to be tested is the adoption of the II PND as politically and economically rational. It is considered, a priori, that economic rationality and political rationality can be understood together. It discusses singularities of the authoritarian government and its legitimacy, the role of the opposition and the elections, furthermore the regime institutionalization objective as condition for the intended policy of transition project. It sets out economic conditions of the Geisel period, analyzes the institutional reforms undertaken and evaluates the economic policies and their effective results, with special attention to the II PND. Following the main interpretations of the Geisel government and the II PND are confronted. Finally, it is proposed an evaluation of the economic rationality and Geisel government policy with the help of the Acemoglu and Robinson (2001) model. As main results are identified elements that attest to the economic rationality of the development project in the midst of the oil crisis, and the confluence of this rationality with the largest claim of institutionalize the Brazilian military regime to give way to political transition process, what also argues that sustaining economic growth can be understood as a politically rational strategy. Governo Ernesto Geisel : 1974-1979 Desenvolvimento econômico Política econômica Governo militar : Brasil Economic rationality Political rationality Ernesto Geisel government Second national develpmental plan Brazilian military regime
3	Racionalidade política e econômica no Governo Geisel (1974-1979) : um estudo sobre o II PND e o projeto de institucionalização do regime militar Spengler, Rafael Luís January 2015 (has links) Este trabalho estuda as motivações políticas e a racionalidade econômica do governo Ernesto Geisel. A pesquisa é baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. A questão central do trabalho é: em que medida os objetivos políticos e econômicos do governo Ernesto Geisel estão associados? Qual a racionalidade da adoção do II PND e sua conexão com o projeto de institucionalização do regime militar? A hipótese a ser testada é a adoção do II PND como politicamente e economicamente racional. Tem-se, a priori, que racionalidade econômica e racionalidade política podem ser compreendidas em conjunto. São discutidas as singularidades do governo autoritário e de s ua legitimidade, o papel da oposição e das eleições, além do objetivo de institucionalização do regime, condição para o projeto de distensão política pretendido. É recapitulada a conjuntura econômica do período Geisel, são analisadas as reformas institucionais realizadas e avaliadas as políticas econômicas e seus efetivos resultados, com especial atenção ao II PND. A seguir, são confrontadas as principais interpretações sobre o governo Geisel e o II PND. Finalmente, é proposta uma avaliação sobre a racionalidade econômica e política do governo Geisel com o auxilio do modelo de Acemoglu e Robinson (2001). Como resultados principais, são identificados elementos que atestam a racionalidade econômica do projeto desenvolvimentista em meio à crise do petróleo, bem como a confluência dessa racionalidade à pretensão maior de institucionalizar o regime militar brasileiro para dar vazão ao processo de distensão política, com o que se argumenta também que a sustentação do crescimento econômico pode ser compreendida como uma estratégia politicamente racional. / This dissertation studies the political motivations and the economic rationality of Ernesto Geisel government. The research is based on bibliographical and documentary research. The central issue of this paper is: to what extent the political and economic objectives of the Ernesto Geisel's government are associated? What is the rationale for the adoption of the II PND and its connection with the institutionalization of military regime project? The hypothesis to be tested is the adoption of the II PND as politically and economically rational. It is considered, a priori, that economic rationality and political rationality can be understood together. It discusses singularities of the authoritarian government and its legitimacy, the role of the opposition and the elections, furthermore the regime institutionalization objective as condition for the intended policy of transition project. It sets out economic conditions of the Geisel period, analyzes the institutional reforms undertaken and evaluates the economic policies and their effective results, with special attention to the II PND. Following the main interpretations of the Geisel government and the II PND are confronted. Finally, it is proposed an evaluation of the economic rationality and Geisel government policy with the help of the Acemoglu and Robinson (2001) model. As main results are identified elements that attest to the economic rationality of the development project in the midst of the oil crisis, and the confluence of this rationality with the largest claim of institutionalize the Brazilian military regime to give way to political transition process, what also argues that sustaining economic growth can be understood as a politically rational strategy. Governo Ernesto Geisel : 1974-1979 Desenvolvimento econômico Política econômica Governo militar : Brasil Economic rationality Political rationality Ernesto Geisel government Second national develpmental plan Brazilian military regime
4	Tillgänglig och stärkande idrott i stadens utsatta områden : Den politiska rationaliteten bakom insatser och samverkan för att främja fotbollsverksamhet för tjejer Karlsson, Ella January 2017 (has links) The voluntary based sports movement has for over a hundred years been supported by state funds and seen as an important part of the Swedish society. In the city of Linköping the ethnical and economical segregation has been increasing in recent years and the consequences are reflected in the local sports associations. In Skäggetorp, statistically the most underprivileged district in city, there is no longer any football association offering activities to children under fourteen years old, either boys or girls. Furthermore, girls with immigrant background are generally less involved in the sports movements and efforts are made from both public authorities and other actors to incite activity.This essay analyses the political rationality lying behind the planned and realized interventions and how the actors have been experiencing the processes of cooperation. The empirical material has been collected by interviews with the involved actors. The theoretical framework has been constituted by a theory of construction of problem representation along with theoretical concepts as capital and governance.Main findings consist of a difference of rationality depending on whether the activity is aimed at boys or girls or if it is conducted within the structure of sports associations. Also, associations in underprivileged urban districts are both seen as possible promotors for social change and as subjects in need of help. The system of public allowances for sports associations can only be distributed to projects even though all actors are addressing a long-term approach. This study also shows the challenges that exists within the decentralisation of public administration, governance and cooperation by different actors. football girls gender segregation social inclusion civil society empowerment integration governance political rationality cooperation public administration equality sports fotboll tjejer segregation nätverksstyrning föreningsliv civilsamhälle offentlig verksamhet idrott jämlikhet utsatthet integration Political Science Statsvetenskap
5	Particularly Responsible: Everyday Ethical Navigation, Concrete Relationships, and Systemic Oppression Chapman, Christopher Stephen 20 August 2012 (has links) In this dissertation, I articulate what I call a personal-is-political ethics, suggesting that the realm of human affairs long called ethics is inseparable from that which is today normatively called psychology. Further, I suggest that these names for this shared realm are situated in different discursive traditions which, therefore, provide different parameters for possible action and understanding. In my exploration of what it is to be human, I strategically centre ethical transgressions, particularly those that are mappable onto systemic forms of oppression. I explore personal-is-political enactments of sexism, ableism, racism, colonization, classism, ageism, and geopolitics, including situations in which several of these intersect with one another and those in which therapeutic, pedagogical, or parenting hierarchies also intersect with them. Without suggesting this is ‘the whole story,’ I closely read people’s narrations of ethical transgressions that they – that we – commit. I claim that such narrations shape our possibilities for harming others, for taking responsibility, and for intervening in others’ lives in an attempt to have them take responsibility (e.g., therapy with abuse perpetrators and critical pedagogy). I work to demonstrate the ethical and political importance of: the impossibility of exhaustive knowledge, the illimitable and contingent power relations that are ever-present and give shape to what we can know, and the ways our possibilities in life are constituted through particular contact with others. I explore ethical transgressions I have committed, interrogating these events in conversation with explorations of resonant situations in published texts, as well as with research conversations with friends about their ethical transgressions and how they make sense of them. I tentatively advocate for, and attempt to demonstrate, ways of governing ourselves when we are positioned ‘on top’ of social hierarchies – in order to align our responses and relationships more closely with radical political commitments. systemic oppression ethics performativity différance governmentality subjectification relationality taking responsibility power/knowledge accountability personal-is-political deconstruction narrative practice racism sexism ableism colonialism decolonization whiteness masculinity abuse harm invitational practice complicity reflexivity self-critique resonance pedagogy flows of becoming queer theory disability studies critical social work therapy power ethical narrative political rationality treatment violence mad studies antipsychiatry psychology gendered peer abuse abuse intervention abuse perpetration intentional states friendship auto-ethnography critical pedagogy An Ethics Inaccessible to Liberalism 0733 0626 0452 0740 0628 0422 0998 0340 0451 0622 0384
6	Particularly Responsible: Everyday Ethical Navigation, Concrete Relationships, and Systemic Oppression Chapman, Christopher Stephen 20 August 2012 (has links) In this dissertation, I articulate what I call a personal-is-political ethics, suggesting that the realm of human affairs long called ethics is inseparable from that which is today normatively called psychology. Further, I suggest that these names for this shared realm are situated in different discursive traditions which, therefore, provide different parameters for possible action and understanding. In my exploration of what it is to be human, I strategically centre ethical transgressions, particularly those that are mappable onto systemic forms of oppression. I explore personal-is-political enactments of sexism, ableism, racism, colonization, classism, ageism, and geopolitics, including situations in which several of these intersect with one another and those in which therapeutic, pedagogical, or parenting hierarchies also intersect with them. Without suggesting this is ‘the whole story,’ I closely read people’s narrations of ethical transgressions that they – that we – commit. I claim that such narrations shape our possibilities for harming others, for taking responsibility, and for intervening in others’ lives in an attempt to have them take responsibility (e.g., therapy with abuse perpetrators and critical pedagogy). I work to demonstrate the ethical and political importance of: the impossibility of exhaustive knowledge, the illimitable and contingent power relations that are ever-present and give shape to what we can know, and the ways our possibilities in life are constituted through particular contact with others. I explore ethical transgressions I have committed, interrogating these events in conversation with explorations of resonant situations in published texts, as well as with research conversations with friends about their ethical transgressions and how they make sense of them. I tentatively advocate for, and attempt to demonstrate, ways of governing ourselves when we are positioned ‘on top’ of social hierarchies – in order to align our responses and relationships more closely with radical political commitments. systemic oppression ethics performativity différance governmentality subjectification relationality taking responsibility power/knowledge accountability personal-is-political deconstruction narrative practice racism sexism ableism colonialism decolonization whiteness masculinity abuse harm invitational practice complicity reflexivity self-critique resonance pedagogy flows of becoming queer theory disability studies critical social work therapy power ethical narrative political rationality treatment violence mad studies antipsychiatry psychology gendered peer abuse abuse intervention abuse perpetration intentional states friendship auto-ethnography critical pedagogy An Ethics Inaccessible to Liberalism 0733 0626 0452 0740 0628 0422 0998 0340 0451 0622 0384

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