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Both feminist and mainstream political science has taken an institutional ‘turn’, opening up possibilities for dialogue between the two fields. Yet, despite sharing a number of common interests and preoccupations, there has been little interplay between mainstream new institutionalist scholars and feminist political scientists working on institutions. This thesis attempts to fill this gap and evaluates the potential for theoretical synthesis between feminist gender analysis and new institutional theory. It argues that there is potential for mutual benefit from a synthesis of these two approaches, and that a ‘feminist institutionalism’ offers a promising theoretical approach for the study of gender and institutions. The thesis evaluates the potential of a feminist institutionalist approach in the context of the comparative literature on gender and political recruitment. It critically evaluates the supply and demand model (Norris and Lovenduski, 1995), one of the only models that attempts to systematically integrate gender into the dynamics of the recruitment process. The thesis contends that a feminist institutionalist approach offers a way to take the supply and demand forward, developing the theoretical interconnections that are present implicitly in Pippa Norris and Joni Lovenduski’s work on political recruitment and reintegrating and reformulating the key features of the model into a feminist and institutionalist framework. The thesis develops this theory-building project through an illustrative case study – the institutions of political recruitment in post-devolution Scotland. Using a multi-method approach – including discourse analysis, process tracing, and political interviewing – the thesis combines a macro-level analysis of gendered patterns of selection and recruitment in Scottish political parties over time with a micro-level case study of a Scottish Labour Party constituency seat selection contest in the run-up to the 2007 Scottish Parliament elections. The case study finds some evidence of institutional innovation and reform in the candidate selection process, but also highlights underlying continuities in the institutions of political recruitment. The case study illustrates the specific and gendered difficulties of institutionalizing a ‘new’ more gender-balanced politics within a pre-existing institutional context. Findings from the case study suggest that the ‘success’ of institutional innovation in candidate selection is a complex and contingent question, and that elements of the ‘old’ continue to co-exist with elements of the ‘new’, constraining and shaping each other. The Scottish case, then, underscores the need to rethink conventional models of political recruitment, illustrating the difficulties of reforming and redesigning the institutions of political recruitment in the face of powerful institutional and gendered legacies. As such, the thesis generates new theoretical and empirical insights into the gendered dynamics of institutional power, continuity and change that contribute to the growing body of research on gender and institutions and inform the wider literature on both new institutional theory and feminist political science.

No começo do século XX, Max Weber não incluiu os parlamentares entre os políticos profissionais. Entretanto, passados cinquenta anos da famosa teorização, eles haviam se tornado predominantes nos Parlamentos das nações economicamente desenvolvidas, tanto no presidencialismo como no parlamentarismo. Trata-se de uma mudança que os estudos comparativos atribuem, por um lado, à ampliação das franquias democráticas e da inclusão social e, por outro, à tentativa dos parlamentares de restringir o acesso à instituição e garantir o controle sobre a carreira política. Por meio desta pesquisa, propôs-se analisar a circulação parlamentar na Câmara dos Deputados, desde 1946, quando o Brasil fez sua estreia no grupo das democracias de massa, a fim de verificar se o paradigma da profissionalização legislativa pode ser útil na compreensão do comportamento na Câmara Federal. Pela ampliação dos indicadores tradicionalmente usados na literatura, bem como da análise individual da trajetória política prévia ao ingresso na carreira parlamentar e das entradas e saídas dos deputados pela Câmara dos Deputados, foi possível confirmar a hipótese relativa à prevalência dos políticos profissionais na Câmara dos Deputados. Ademais, os modelos estatísticos revelaram que um dos traços mais marcantes da Câmara dos Deputados - a descontinuidade das carreiras legislativas devido à procura por cargos no Executivo - é característica persistente do sistema político brasileiro, sob regimes democráticos (1946-1964; pós-1988). Por meio da análise comparativa com a França o fenômeno do cumul de mandats- tornou possível entender que a procura por cargos no Executivo, da parte dos deputados federais, insere-se na lógica na profissionalização: o objetivo é assegurar a continuidade da carreira legislativa ou a progressão na carreira política. / Although Max Weber didnt place the members of Parliament among the Professional politicians, by the end of the century most comparative studies saw them as the prevalent political force driving legislative behaviour in the United States and Western Europe. This research was designed to find out whether the Brazilian legislature fits the description above. It analysed the personal circulation in the Câmara dos Deputados from 1946, when the country joined the regimes of mass democracy, to 2007, covering 60 years of parliamentary history. Several indicators were designed in order to diversify the methodological scope that has been applied in the comparative analysis of the Brazilian legislature. Besides, the careers in the Chamber were investigated on individual basis. The findings confirmed, to the Brazilian case, the hypothesis according to which democratisation and legislative professionalization go hand in hand. It also provided evidence to support the claim that one of the main features of the Brazilians legislators behaviour the search for political opportunities in the Executive branch should not be interpreted as it usually is, i.e. as an indicator of the Câmara dos Deputados lack of political prestige. A comparative analysis with the French legislature, the Assemblée Nationale, made it possible to understand the lack of continuity in the Brazilian legislative career as a professional politicians strategy designed to increase much needed political resources aimed either to win reelection or to attain a higher position on the political career ladder.

No começo do século XX, Max Weber não incluiu os parlamentares entre os políticos profissionais. Entretanto, passados cinquenta anos da famosa teorização, eles haviam se tornado predominantes nos Parlamentos das nações economicamente desenvolvidas, tanto no presidencialismo como no parlamentarismo. Trata-se de uma mudança que os estudos comparativos atribuem, por um lado, à ampliação das franquias democráticas e da inclusão social e, por outro, à tentativa dos parlamentares de restringir o acesso à instituição e garantir o controle sobre a carreira política. Por meio desta pesquisa, propôs-se analisar a circulação parlamentar na Câmara dos Deputados, desde 1946, quando o Brasil fez sua estreia no grupo das democracias de massa, a fim de verificar se o paradigma da profissionalização legislativa pode ser útil na compreensão do comportamento na Câmara Federal. Pela ampliação dos indicadores tradicionalmente usados na literatura, bem como da análise individual da trajetória política prévia ao ingresso na carreira parlamentar e das entradas e saídas dos deputados pela Câmara dos Deputados, foi possível confirmar a hipótese relativa à prevalência dos políticos profissionais na Câmara dos Deputados. Ademais, os modelos estatísticos revelaram que um dos traços mais marcantes da Câmara dos Deputados - a descontinuidade das carreiras legislativas devido à procura por cargos no Executivo - é característica persistente do sistema político brasileiro, sob regimes democráticos (1946-1964; pós-1988). Por meio da análise comparativa com a França o fenômeno do cumul de mandats- tornou possível entender que a procura por cargos no Executivo, da parte dos deputados federais, insere-se na lógica na profissionalização: o objetivo é assegurar a continuidade da carreira legislativa ou a progressão na carreira política. / Although Max Weber didnt place the members of Parliament among the Professional politicians, by the end of the century most comparative studies saw them as the prevalent political force driving legislative behaviour in the United States and Western Europe. This research was designed to find out whether the Brazilian legislature fits the description above. It analysed the personal circulation in the Câmara dos Deputados from 1946, when the country joined the regimes of mass democracy, to 2007, covering 60 years of parliamentary history. Several indicators were designed in order to diversify the methodological scope that has been applied in the comparative analysis of the Brazilian legislature. Besides, the careers in the Chamber were investigated on individual basis. The findings confirmed, to the Brazilian case, the hypothesis according to which democratisation and legislative professionalization go hand in hand. It also provided evidence to support the claim that one of the main features of the Brazilians legislators behaviour the search for political opportunities in the Executive branch should not be interpreted as it usually is, i.e. as an indicator of the Câmara dos Deputados lack of political prestige. A comparative analysis with the French legislature, the Assemblée Nationale, made it possible to understand the lack of continuity in the Brazilian legislative career as a professional politicians strategy designed to increase much needed political resources aimed either to win reelection or to attain a higher position on the political career ladder.

吳玉山提出「後極權資本主義發展國家」的概念來形容為何中國在維持高速經濟發展的同時，依然保有對國家機器的控制與公民社會的滲透，他認為中國大陸發展趨勢乃是揉合了蘇東和東亞模式，經改上的亮眼表現雖然帶來政治參與的壓力，但中共卻能夠有效轉化這些壓力，回應外界挑戰並且持續執政、鞏固一黨領導。隨著中國大陸擴展國際視野，具有留學背景的菁英也逐漸在高層政治中嶄露頭角，然而海歸菁英由於曾經接觸西方民主思潮，因此成為政治甄用對象中最有可能產生價值矛盾的族群。依循這樣的思路，本文試圖從政治菁英甄補（political recruitment）的面向，解釋中共如何在推動經濟成長的同時延續國家統治的絕對優勢。本文發現海歸派在政治領域中發揮諮詢的功能並扮演執行的角色，主要集中在學術單位與政府職能部門。在仕途發展方面，除了在原生系統升遷之外，海歸官員於不同升遷渠道間的水平流動，以「政府機關往人大政協」的晉升為主。我們認為造成這種現象的原因，乃是中共致力於推動現代化建設，但另一方面又擔心西方民主思想滲透動搖共產黨領導的結果。 / The party control over state apparatuses and civil society has remained strong during China’s rapid economic rise. The approach China has taken after economic reform has been an amalgamation of the Soviet/Eastern European and East Asian models, which is the Post-Totalitarian Capitalist Developmental State, provided by Yu-Shan Wu. Foreign-educated returnees have already emerged in China’s political arena as a distinguished political elite group, as characterized by the skills for external communication and technical knowledge that they posses. Furthermore, for the foreign-educated political elite, the experience of oversea studies also may cause tension between the one-party dictatorship thinking and the western democratic ideals in their mind. We attempt to explain how the CCP simultaneously promotes economic growth and maintains political domination from the dimension of political recruitment. There are two main findings in this paper: First, most of the returnees work in academic units and professional departments in government. They play the role of consultants or executives during decision making processes. Second, for career paths the most obvious political mobility of the foreign-educated elites among recruitment channels is the “Government toward NPC and CPPCC”. To conclude, this reveals that the Chinese leaders are determined on preventing the penetration of western democratic ideals on one hand, and accelerating the modernization of China on the other.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5537.pdf: 1932064 bytes, checksum: 3125235f7283d6fb36e1dce9ab252c09 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-29 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / The main purpose in this thesis is to analyse the candidate selection process for Federal Deputy in Brazil in the 2010 elections within four parties: DEM, PMDB, PSDB e PT. Heretofore, the study of candidate selection in our country have privileged the formal dimension of selection, like party´s statutes analysis or regional dinamics. In the other hand, except for some exceptions, the conclusions pointed out the impact of brazilian institutional design in candidate selection, undervaluing parties as autonomus units in the process. Therefore, from data about candidacy gathered at the Electoral Supreme Court and a survey applied to one hundred and twenty candidates, we tried to sketch the candidate selection process at the intra-party arena. The conclusions suggests that political parties are capable in divert from institucional incentives and choose candidates by different methods regarding the strenght and direction of the institutionalization. Hence, the different methods bring relevant consequences for the candidates profiles as well for the parties themselves. / O objetivo central desta tese é analisar o processo de seleção de candidatos a Deputado Federal no Brasil durante as eleições de 2010 em quatro partidos: DEM; PMDB; PSDB e PT. Até então, os estudos sobre seleção de candidatos em nosso país privilegiaram aspectos formais da seleção, como análise dos estatutos de partidos ou processos regionais. Por outro lado, salvo algumas exceções, o enfoque para as conclusões sobre a seleção de candidatos esteve sempre nos impactos do desenho institucional brasileiro, subvalorizando os partidos como unidades autônomas no processo. Assim, a partir de dados das candidaturas fornecidos pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e de um survey aplicado a cento e vinte candidatos, buscamos traçar o processo de seleção privilegiando a arena intrapartidária. As conclusões sugerem que os partidos são capazes de contornar o sistema de incentivos institucionais e selecionar seus candidatos por processos diferenciados entre si tendo em vista sua força e direção de institucionalização e que produzem consequências importantes para os perfis dos candidatos, bem como para os partidos em si.