O presente trabalho buscou uma aproximação com a trajetória-obra de Ivan Illich entre os anos de 1926-1967. Esse recorte temporal obedece um caminho, que optamos por percorrer, para demonstrar uma característica fundamental do autor: sua produção escrita fortemente atrelada às situações concretas da vida. Esse engajamento de Ivan Illich, que produziu durante esses anos que analisamos ao menos dez textos importantes, foi o eixo estrutural da nossa dissertação. Tratamos de três aspectos simultâneos: lugar na cultura científica, sua trajetória e obra. O primeiro aspecto, aparece no primeiro capítulo na forma de uma análise de prefácios, feitos por intelectuais, para os livros do, ou sobre, Ivan Illich. O leitor encontrará elementos que ajudam na identificação da crítica illichiana. O segundo e terceiro aspectos foram analisados conjuntamente, ou seja, não separamos o autor de sua obra. Isso pode ser encontrado no segundo e terceiro capítulo. Trata-se de uma crítica a institucionalização na sua forma da escolarização da sociedade, na qual o pano de fundo desse processo é a Aliança para o Progresso. Mas também, trata da questão da linguagem como uma forma de crítica da modernidade industrial. / The present work sought an approximation with the trajectory-work of Ivan Illich between the years of 1926-1967. This temporal cut follows a path we have chosen to follow, to demonstrate a fundamental characteristic of the author: his written production strongly tied to the concrete situations of life. This engagement of Ivan Illich, who produced during those years that we analyzed at least ten important texts, was the structural axis of our dissertation. We deal with three simultaneous aspects: place in scientific culture, its trajectory and work. The first aspect appears in the first chapter in the form of an analysis of prefaces, made by intellectuals, for the books of, or about, Ivan Illich. The reader will find elements that help in identifying the Illichian critique. The second and third aspects were analyzed together, that is, we did not separate the author from his work. This can be found in the second and third chapters. It is a critique of institutionalization in its form of schooling of society, in which the background of this process is the Alliance for Progress. But it also deals with the question of language as a form of criticism of industrial modernity.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:20:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Tiago Barbosa da Silva.pdf: 1559304 bytes, checksum: 80d8e61a8b28730409d712740ec7750a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-12 / Cleaner Production is claimed to be a way to achieve sustainability in industries, mainly in complex industrial plants. In Northeastern Brazil, Centro de Produção InduItsstrial Sustentável CEPIS has promoted the Cleaner Production methodology among simple companies in which technology use is still feeble, such as red ceramics industries in Seridó, in the State of Rio Grande do Norte. This study drew upon the role of science and scientist in the creation and diffusion of a new environmental order based on the concept of sustainable development, on the Ecological Modernization Theory, and on Cleaner Production, trying to identify the powers behind its diffusion. Therefore, its main goal is to comprehend the logics proposed by CEPIS, its fundaments and its relation with the idea of sustainability, through an analysis based on Political Ecology, and to comprehend the role played by technoscience and technicians in this process and, in addition, how it has been translated to the semiarid region. Its specific aims are: 1) to analyze the evolution of environmental ideas, presenting the theoretical tenets of sustainable development which relate to the methodology of C+P, promoted by international organizations; 2) to discuss the role played by science and by scientists in the construction of an order based on the idea of sustainable development and how its logics has been translated to the technicians of CEPIS, and 3) to criticize the translation of sustainable development and Cleaner Production which has been made to the companies of Seridó, discussing its function. Once finished, the study showed that Cleaner Production is one more project of modernity and that alone its suggestion of technological improvements, of management and process control, and its suggestions of recycling/reuse are not capable of turning red ceramics companies into sustainable industries, but of enabling them to better fit this new order. / A metodologia de Produção mais Limpa (P+L) é um dos meios propostos para se alcançar a sustentabilidade em nível industrial, sobretudo, em empreendimentos e plantas industriais mais complexas. No Nordeste, o Centro de Produção Industrial Sustentável CEPIS tem difundido a metodologia P+L entre empresas simples e de baixo nível tecnológico, como a indústria de cerâmica vermelha do Seridó norte-rio-grandense que usa a lenha como recurso energético. Este estudo buscou investigar o papel da tecnociência e dos técnicos na elaboração e difusão de uma lógica ambiental pautada no conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável, da P+L, e na teoria da modernização ecológica, auxiliando na identificação das forças por trás de sua difusão. Assim, tem como objetivo geral: compreender a lógica da intervenção proposta pelo projeto CEPIS, seus pressupostos e relações com a ideia de desenvolvimento sustentável, através de uma análise, fundamentada na Ecologia Política, e compreender também o papel da ciência/dos cientistas nesse processo e como ele tem se traduzido nas ações sugeridas para o semiárido norte-rio-grandense. Seus objetivos específicos são: 1) analisar a evolução das ideias ambientais, apresentando, em paralelo, os fundamentos teóricos da proposta de desenvolvimento sustentável, vinculados à metodologia de P+L, promovidas por organismos internacionais; 2) discutir o papel da ciência/dos cientistas na construção de uma ordem fundamentada na noção de desenvolvimento sustentável e como essa lógica é transferida para os técnicos do projeto CEPIS, e 3) problematizar a tradução de desenvolvimento sustentável e P+L que tem sido feita para as empresas do semiárido, discutindo, em paralelo, a função dessa tradução. Percebeu-se que a P+L é mais um projeto de modernidade e que as propostas de modificação de tecnologia, de gestão e controle do processo produtivo e de reciclagem/reuso não são, sozinhas, capazes de sustentabilizar as indústrias de cerâmica vermelha, mas de dotá-las de formas mais novas de gestão de seus processos.

Depuis sa création en 1971, Greenpeace s’est constituée en véritable mouvement socioécologique. L’organisation a adopté dès sa formation un discours critique dénonçant les excès de l’ordre socioéconomique dominant ainsi qu’une forme d’organisation décentralisée. La croissance rapide de l’organisation a cependant transformé son fonctionnement. La prise de décision en son sein s’est centralisée et son discours s’est adapté à une audience plus large et plus variée, tout en tentant de conserver sa nature revendicatrice. Greenpeace est ainsi vite devenue l’organisation écologiste la plus connue à travers le monde. L’essence de la particularité de Greenpeace se retrouve donc d’une part dans son rôle en tant que mouvement de résistance, et de l’autre, dans le caractère lui-même dominant de son discours au sein du mouvement vert au sens large. Greenpeace se démarque ainsi par sa capacité à mener seule, ou presque, des changements à grande échelle tout en prétendant rester près de la base. Cette dualité qui caractérise Greenpeace ouvre cependant la porte à des dynamiques internes contradictoires et à des relations complexes avec les différents acteurs sociaux, économiques et institutionnels. Il semblerait que la double identité de Greenpeace, en tant que mouvement de résistance et organisation dominante, l’amène à défendre des causes complexes affectant des populations locales, mais en adoptant des discours grandement simplifiés et destinés à ses sympathisants à travers le monde. Son implication dans l’enjeu de la gestion de la forêt boréale du Québec témoigne bien de cette situation. L’incapacité de Greenpeace à offrir des solutions adaptées aux besoins des communautés locales l’attirerait les critiques des différentes parties prenantes impliquées dans l’enjeu et exposerait publiquement la contradiction entre ses deux impératifs identitaires. La perception du public que ceux-ci soient incompatibles remettrait en question la capacité de Greenpeace à mener des campagnes à grande échelle qui soient à la fois bénéfiques aux populations locales et, de ce fait, les identités qui lui sont inhérentes et qui sont à la base de son succès. Cette situation l’amènerait à modifier les stratégies qu’elle privilégie.

Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradatin (REDD+) is a market-based approachto address tropical deforestation as a key driver of anthropogenic climate change. In Tanzania, participatory forest management (PFM) was used as a vehicle for the institutionalisation of REDD+and implementation of pilot initiatives. With the lens of political ecology, this thesis analyses the effects of the REDD+ pilot project ‘Advancing REDD+ in the Kolo Hills Forests’ (ARKFor) inKondoa District, Tanzania, on structures of access and use of forest resources for local communities. This analysis is done by using qualitative interviews with villagers living within the REDD+ project area and government actors involved in forest management as well as textual analysis of a PFMagreement and community bye-laws established within the ARKFor project. The findings suggest that REDD+ pilot activities were planned without real participation by local communities and failed to take complex conservation histories and underlying power structures into account. Community access rights were not legally secured which resulted in processes of re-centralisation of forest managementand ‘green grabbing’ after the conclusion of project activities in 2014. The study underscores that successful forest management decentralisation needs to be based on localised, longer-term adaptive processes which clash with the globally driven, neoliberal conservation logic of REDD+.

In this thesis I discuss how divers in Rio de Janeiro and Arraial do Cabo, Brazil, are part of a process of making water (Barnes 2014). This I do by examining the relationship between the policies of the non-governmental organization Project Aware and these divers. These policies under question concerns the growing issue of marine debris, asking divers to directly act towards a solution by removing debris, and inform about the issue. I employ the concepts habitus and the entrepreneurial self as heuristic think-tools in order to illuminate the structuring aspect of this relationship, how it affects the way policies are negotiated, embodied, and practiced in regard to society and the environment (e.g. Bourdieu 1990; Rose 1998; Gershon 2016). My argument is based on observations, interviews, and media analysis. I show how my interlocutors are engaged in making water, in hands on actions of removing debris, and in discourse making where the issue is forwarded, emphasized, and discussed. Further I illustrate the impact that local power structures hold on practices of agents (Barnes 2014; Karlsson 2015).

A central challenge of the twenty-first century is to transition to a low-carbon energy system to reduce the risks of climate change. For Pima County, Arizona, where electricity accounts for the majority of greenhouse gas emissions, this requires rapid deployment of grid-tied renewable energy resources. In light of this challenge, photovoltaic solar has emerged as an important solution, providing the top source of new US electric generating capacity installed in 2016. However, there is still no consensus about the optimal scale for solar (centralized power plants, or small, decentralized systems) and the socio-economic implications for low income households. This thesis explores the implications of rooftop solar for energy justice through empirical research about a southern Arizona electric utility rate case. Utilities argue that existing rate structures shift costs from solar owners to lower-income ratepayers, while critics say the utility's proposed rate changes are unjust and that rooftop solar benefits all ratepayers. Drawing on my empirical data and an urban political ecology (UPE) approach, I analyze competing narratives that speak to three types of justice: distributive, procedural, and recognition. While dominant justice claims revolve around the distribution of costs through rates, competing narratives emphasize procedural and recognition (in)justice. Focusing on political economy, power relations, and the materiality of the grid, I reframe the utility’s cost shift argument as a strategic narrative and explain why this justice claim is ultimately validated. I propose that UPE can further an energy justice analysis by understanding procedural and recognition injustice as systemic products of rate of return regulation and the material configuration of the electric grid.

Placencia Village is one of Belize’s leading “eco-destinations,” due to its sandy-white beaches, coral reefs, and wildlife sanctuaries. While the use of “green washing,” the process of deceptively marketing products, aims or policies as being environmentally friendly, has proven to be effective in attracting consumers who are thought to be environmentally and socially conscious, the exponential growth, coupled with the absence of established policies, represents a significant threat to Belize. This thesis examines the political-ecologic dimensions of rapid tourism expansion in Southern Belize by investigating how the health of the biophysical environment is perceived, what processes are responsible for change, and how these changes are impacting the socioeconomic livelihoods of the local people.

My research is focused on investigating the socio-political processes taking place within Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) in Tanzania. I draw on a political ecology approach in an investigation of the politics of struggles over natural resources, their management and the benefits that can be derived from this. I bring together theories of policy processes, African politics and scale into an examination of power within two case studies of CBNRM from the wildlife and forestry sectors. I carry out a comparative analysis of these case studies, employing a qualitative methodology based on semi-structured interviews, focus groups, participatory activities, participant observation and document analysis. My research is clustered around three core themes. Firstly, I trace the process of policy reform that introduced CBNRM in both the forest and wildlife sectors, and examine the differences between the governance systems prescribed in policy as a result of these processes. The contrasts between the two sectors in Tanzanian CBNRM are important and multiple. Different policy pathways were adopted, relating to the distinct political economies of forest and wildlife resources and their politicisation within the context of power devolution for CBNRM. The prescribed governance systems in the two sectors contain important differences in the processes by which local communities can apply to participate in CBNRM, the mechanisms of revenue distribution, and the ways in which power is devolved to the local level. Secondly I examine the implementation of these prescribed governance systems and their performance in reality through an exploration of the configurations of power set out in CBNRM, and the struggles that take place around these in ‘politics of scales’ as actors attempt to benefit from CBNRM. I examine the ways the governance systems have been adopted and adapted from those set out in CBNRM policy. I argue that the distinctions between the prescribed governance systems in the two sectors produce separate contexts of re-configuration into the performed governance systems within the case studies. However, I also argue that while the contexts are specific to each sector, both the case studies revealed the same underlying socio-political process of struggles over power to both manage and benefit from natural resources. These struggles to control and benefit from CBNRM are closely linked to the unequal distribution of benefits that were witnessed in both case studies. Finally I examine the performance of CBNRM as an integration of systems of power set out in policy and hidden, often unacknowledged, local contours of power. I address the themes of how the reality of CBNRM differs from that set out in policy, examine the processes ongoing within the projects that permit and maintain elite capture and unequal distribution of benefits, and investigate the socio-political processes of corruption taking place within devolved environmental management. I argue that the struggles over power, combined with hidden aspects, especially neopatrimonialism, local moral economy and the cultural context of corruption, are central to these unequal outcomes and the capture of benefits by a small group of individuals. My research highlights that power, the politics of its devolution to the local level, the struggles that take place around it, and its subtle, hidden forms, lie at the heart of gaining further understanding of the ways in which policies develop, the unexpected outcomes they produce and the inequalities these often entail.

This thesis seeks to analyze the “alternative” nature of organic and fair trade markets and whether they are truly challenging the neoliberal food system, using the case of Bolivian quinoa, traditionally a subsistence crop, to analyze the effects on producer livelihoods. Field research, conducted from April until August 2015, focuses on two areas in the Altiplano sur: the small community of Rodeo and the town of Salinas de Garcí Mendoza. The study uses a political ecology and historical materialist theoretical framework and an ethnographically oriented livelihoods approach, in order to better weave the macro-processes of power to producers’ struggles over their livelihoods. Though organic and fair trade markets are by no means revolutionizing quinoa production or relationships of production in Bolivia, they are providing better terms of trade for producers and allowing them to maintain more traditional, small scale modes of production and community levels of organization. In addition, field research helped facilitate a critical discussion about the challenges and opportunities afforded by these alternatives, talking directly to producers and tying their local difficulties to larger, structural realities: a humble first step in problematizing a common lived struggle.

The thesis traces the successive urban responses made by the Hong Kong government from 1997 to 2014, in an attempt to achieve “imagined immunity” for the city. The urban responses being analysed are efforts to regulate the ways in which “live poultry” (especially live chickens) is metabolized and circulating in the city. The efforts are made to re-order the human-birds-microbes relationships in Hong Kong - a process conceptualized as “re-urbanization of nature.” The consequence of these re-urbanization of nature processes, led to changes in the specific practice of consuming “live poultry” in the city. Four periods of re-urbanization of nature are identified in the analysis, and it is argued that in each wave of restructuring there were markedly different frames constructed to generate distinctive meanings of the “contagion condition,” imagined urban immunity, and practices of re-urbanization of nature. Their meanings and resultant practices were products of negotiations, within an entangled web of human and nonhuman features in particular periods. The context of these interventions and the biopolitical contestations are analyzed in the thesis. It is then argued that such contingencies and context-sensitive processes, call for further studies of post-epidemic urban changes. The thesis also explores the possibility of developing a theoretical framework of “urban biopolitical immunology” to accomplish the inquiry. By so doing, it seeks to contribute to studies of the politics of contemporary epidemics, and to research on the production of urban nature.