Activists contesting urban neoliberalism are traveling to participate in struggles beyond their place of residence. They are sharing, teaching and advising activists from other struggles. They are also promoters of specific imaginaries and strategies of contestation. I refer to this phenomenon as translocal urban activism, a type of brokerage that aims to draw global connections among local political movements and a global activist network. By the analysis of the translocal practices against gentrification of the Spanish art collective Left Hand Rotation in Latin America, I direct the discussion to identify the mechanisms whereby translocal urban activism shapes the geography of urban movements against gentrification, and to examine how translocal urban activism contributes to the reproduction of and resistance against neoliberal ideas, values, and practices. I argue that power geometries within translocal urban activists, tend to nurture the global activist network with dominant imaginaries and practices, eclipsing other alternatives.

Streaming services such as Netflix have changed how television is produced and consumed. In 2019, the online video on demand market was topical, with big launches such as Disney+ and Apple TV+. This period in the streaming market was popularized in the press as the “streaming war(s).” Previous research on the streaming market has aimed at understanding the industry, often with a focus on innovative features. Some studies have articulated a need to look beyond the current narrative used to describe the market. This study examines this very discourse, as no studies have concentrated on the discourse surrounding the streaming market or the relationship between the streaming industry and television trade press. Such a study object may illustrate how market discourse is currently formed and understood under neoliberalism, as well as create an understanding of how the streaming industry is understood and functions. This study aims to examine the reporting on the streaming market in television trade press in 2019, with special interest to ideological biases and the portrayed power geometry between actors within the industry. It approaches the subject with a political economy perspective and conducts a critical discourse analysis on articles from The Hollywood Reporter, Variety, Deadline Hollywood, Indiewire, and Financial Times. The sample contains only articles using the phrase “streaming war(s)”. The data is approached by asking questions about how the phrase is used, how the power relations of the streaming market are portrayed, and what ideological implications can be found in the texts. The results find that the phrase “streaming war(s)” is widely used, although no agreed meaning exists. The phrase works as a conceptual metaphor, shaping a discourse where the streaming market is viewed as a war. This portrayal of the market as harsh conflict and competition is motivated by economic interests, which the television trade press helps reproduce. The “streaming war(s)” fetishizes the streaming market and conceals the responsibility held by large media conglomerates. The actors on the streaming market are found to be positioned against each other, further portraying the market as a war. Netflix and Disney are represented as the most powerful participants because of their relations to flows of capital, content, and users. The streaming service audiences are given no agency, while the market is portrayed as having an agency of its own.

As an effect of the neoliberalist development, the public sector has outsourced the provision of some public services to the private and the third sector. This has led to the expansion of the latter, and a more central position of the actors related to it; among them the social entrepreneur. A social entrepreneur has the objective of creating social impact, while adopting a more business-like approach. This is often a way of achieving financial sustainability or competitive advantage.The aim of this thesis is twofold; first of all, to explore the concept of social entrepreneurship, what it entails and how it is applied. Secondly, it is viewed from the more concrete perspective of the role of a social entrepreneur. In order to operationalise the research, the role of a social entrepreneur is contemplated on in relation to one specific actor, namely Stadsbruk. They are an incubator for commercial urban farmers, with ambition of creating social impact on several levels. The discussion treats how they, as a social entrepreneurial actor, stand in relation to the public sector, the power structure it creates and their position in the urban context, primarily concerning aspects of space and power.The findings of this study indicate that there needs to be a balance between entrepreneurial ambitions and objectives of creating a social impact for an actor to qualify as a social entrepreneur. As the field of research on social entrepreneurship is in a pre-paradigmatic state, it is reasonable to expect that the concept will be more clearly defined if or when the paradigm is set. Moreover, theories on narratives shaping the paradigm of social entrepreneurship suggest that there are different trajectories. However, one might also consider re-evaluating the concept of a traditional entrepreneur; the social entrepreneur could simply be a more holistic approach to entrepreneurship in general. Finally, the activities of a social entrepreneur are often related to that of the public sector. The results of the research imply a power structure, in which the social entrepreneur (in the case of this study Stadsbruk) are subordinate the public sector, due to structures of dependency, etc. This also relates to Massey’s theory on power relations in connection to space; power-geometry. An actor like Stadsbruk are positioned in the urban context, in which to struggles and relations of power and aspects of space are inevitable.