When, at age forty-nine, B.B. McKinney becae the Music Editor for the Baptist Sunday School Board, he began a career as probably the most influential man in Southern Baptist music, setting in motion the machinery that has made the Southern Baptist church music program among the largest in the nation. After six years with the Board, McKinney was promoted to Secretary of the newly-formed Church Music Department. Through his leadership state conventions were led to employ music secretaries to help train and assist churches with their individual music programs. Besides his continued editorship and composing, he set up, with his associate Hines Sims, the Church Music Training Course, and began the publication of a monthly journal, The Church Musician.

[pt] A Primeira Igreja Batista do Rio de Janeiro foi fundada em agosto de 1884 através dos esforços missionários do pastor William Buck Bagby. Implantada na Rua do Santana (região central da antiga capital federal). Em 1928 essa comunidade religiosa foi transferida para Rua Frei Caneca, ao pé do atual Morro do São Carlos. Tal mudança trouxe impactos diretos para a sua composição. A partir da segunda metade da década de 1920 foi possível constatar, com maior intensidade, a entrada de imigrantes pobres, costureiras, operários, negros e domésticas para as fileiras da igreja. Certamente, esse novo espaço possibilitou um maior relacionamento da comunidade com as classes subalternas. Contudo, essa transferência foi sucedida por outro fenômeno: um aumento significativo da aplicação de processos disciplinares. Partindo desse ponto, nossa dissertação tem como objetivo investigar as causas e os sentidos desses mecanismos institucionais de controle. Entendemos que essas práticas sinalizavam o que os batistas enxergavam como padrão de conduta e o que era negado, reprimido e rechaçado pelo grupo. Por meio dessas dinâmicas, é possível vislumbrar processos de construção e desconstrução de identidades batistas no Rio de Janeiro. Esse foi o objetivo central que o presente trabalho visou alcançar. / [en] The First Baptist Church of Rio de Janeiro was founded in August 1884 through the missionary efforts of Pastor William Buck Bagby. Set up on Rua do Santana (central region of the former federal capital), in 1928 this religious community was transferred to Rua Frei Caneca, near the current Morro do São Carlos. This change brought direct impacts to its composition. From the second half of the 1920s onwards, it was possible to see, with greater intensity, the entry of poor immigrants, seamstresses, workers, blacks and domestic workers into the ranks of the church. Certainly, this new space enabled a greater relationship between the community and the subordinate classes. However, this transfer was succeeded by another phenomenon: a significant increase in the application of disciplinary proceedings. Starting from this point, our dissertation aims to investigate the causes and meanings of these institutional control mechanisms. We understand that these practices signaled what the Baptists saw as a standard of conduct and what was denied, repressed and rejected by the group. Thus, we see that, through these dynamics, it is possible to investigate the elaborations of Baptist identities in Rio de Janeiro. This is the central objective that the present work aims to achieve.

This dissertation considers sites of religious broadcast designed for and used by Protestant television evangelists in the postwar United States. It interrogates both the transformation of ritual space as it relates to and is infused by broadcast media, and the architectural and infrastructural adaptations that conditioned such spaces as a result of this mediation. These ritual sites, either retrofitted to accommodate television or designed explicitly for its technology between the late 1950s and the early 1980s, emerged in a period marked both by the ascendance of television broadcasting and by the increasing cultural and political visibility of conservative Protestantism in the United States. While the architecture of television evangelistic practice has also evolved in ways that parallel, and often complicate, changes in mainstream ecclesiastical architecture in the twentieth century, the protagonists of this narrative do not fall into two better-documented genealogies—neither the history of denominationally specific church consulting and the practical guidance penned in its support, nor accounts of high architectural, often academic, reflection on sacred space. Instead, the architecture of these often culturally marginal practices has been critically segregated from much other religious and spiritual construction, despite its effective proliferation across the American landscape to this very day. The wake of this bias leaves resultant lacunae in scholarly and critical attention, which this dissertation works in part to fill. In beginning to account for this history, I examine a variety of evangelical spaces—mostly worship spaces, but also broadcast stations, hospitals, and university campuses—and draw upon their archival and textual traces. Primary case studies in California, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, and Virginia are framed by questions of style and typology, examined alongside contemporary theories and criticisms of mass mediation, and located in relation to histories of mediated healing practices and apocalyptic thinking. This specific ritual architecture, which the dissertation terms televangelical space, not only negotiated between received ideas of the sacred and newer discourses around twentieth-century media, building practices, and community structures, but also raised the issue of conservative Christianity’s fundamental relationship to the modern world. It traced a basic ambivalence about the relationship between the contemporary and the sacred, and about the relationship between religious practice and the technological realities and cultural habits of an increasingly mediated and increasingly atomized present. I suggest that the historical materialization of this negotiation generated both new kinds of ecclesiastical architecture and spatial effects that transcended its walls. Rather than insist on the relevance of the spaces of broadcast religion according to a rubric of aesthetic value, this project examines them for what they can reveal both about architecture for and with media and about the transformation of spirituality and community under new forms of mediation.

No description available.

While many debates about sexual morality seem to be dominated by conservative, right wing Protestants, there are differing worldviews within Protestantism as there are in the larger American culture. In Protestantism, disparate beliefs about sexual morality have caused division between groups. Concurrently, these differing perspectives have bled into the larger discourse about sexual morality in the United States. Each group has spokespeople who attempt to validate what individuals should believe about issues like the family, sexuality, and how Protestants, and Americans in general, should think and act regarding these issues. Prior research provided a limited analysis about the views and conversations of these spokespeople and their arguments to validate their positions on sexual morality issues. To better understand how Protestants attempt to validate their beliefs, I focus on what liberals and conservatives say about sexual morality issues. In particular, what do those in influential positions (i.e., authors and pastors) tell others? To answer this question, I conduct a content analysis of 30 Protestant sex advice manuals and 20 in-depth pastoral interviews. The results indicate not only the differences and similarities of beliefs, but also that many spokespeople use various forms of validation besides, or in addition to, biblical texts. The influential are influenced greatly by their own personal biases and views of gender, maybe even more than their particular religious beliefs. Future research should explore whether there is a definitive correlation between spokespersons' messages and listeners' adherence. / Sociology

This thesis considers how religious diversification has shaped the roles of clergy and seminaries. The focus of this qualitative, interview-based study is seminaries and clergy affiliated with various denominations of Judaism and Protestant Christianity in greater London and New York City. Religiously diversifying societies in the US and England have brought forth new challenges for clergy and seminaries, prompting new questions about how or why a faith community should or should not engage with diversity in the public square. This study investigates how seminaries and individual members of the clergy, as sources of religious authority, are responding to religious diversification in different ways - the former sluggish to recognise the impact of religious diversification in curriculum and pedagogical structures and the latter seeing it as a resource for social action initiatives, local networks, and political activism. This has created a gap between training and practice whereby clergy have assumed greater religious authority in religious life. Beyond contributing to the field of sociology of religion, this thesis concludes by allowing the experience of clergy in interreligious engagement to inform appropriate pedagogies that could be employed by seminaries.

<p>This book examines and analyses the Union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and Sweden signed in 1655 at Kėdainiai and the political crisis that followed. The union was a result of strong separatist dreams among the Lithuanian-Ruthenian Protestant elite led by the Radziwiłł family, and if implemented it would radically change the balance of power in the Baltic Sea region. The main legal point of the Union was the breach of Lithuanian federation with Poland and the establishment of a federation with Sweden. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania aspired to return to international relations as a self-governing subject. The Union meant a new Scandinavian alternative to Polish and Russian domination. The author places the events in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the general crisis that occurred in Europe in the middle of the 17th century characterized by a great number of wars, rebellions and civil wars from Portugal to Ukraine, and which builds the background to the crisis for Lithuania and Sweden. The research proved the importance of lesser powers in changing the geopolitical balance between the Great Powers. The conflict over Lithuania and Belarus was the main reason for the Swedish-Russian, Polish-Russian and Ukrainian-Russian wars. The failure of the Union with Sweden was caused by both internal and external factors. Internally, various ethnic, confessional and political groups within the nobility of Lithuania were split in favour of different foreign powers – from Muscovy to Transylvania. The external cause for the failure of the Union project was the failure of Swedish strategy. Sweden concentrated its activity to Poland, not to Lithuania. After the Union, Swedish authorities treated the Grand Duchy as an invaded country, not an equal. The Swedish administration introduced heavy taxation and was unable to control the brutality of the army. As a result Sweden was defeated in both Lithuania and Poland. Among the different economic, political and religious explanations of the general crisis, the case of Lithuania shows the importance of the political conflicts. For the separatists of Lithuania the main motive to turn against Poland and to promote alliance with Sweden, Russia or the Cossacks was the inability of Poland to shield the Grand Duchy from a Russian invasion.The Lithuanian case was a provincial rebellion led by the native nobility against their monarch, based on tradition of the previous independence and statehood period. It was not nationalism in its modern meaning, but instead a crisis of identity in the form of a conflict between Patria and Central Power. However, the cost of being a part of Sweden or Muscovy was greater than the benefit of political protection. Therefore, the pro-Polish orientation prevailed when Poland after 1658 recovered its military ability the local nobility regrouped around Warsaw. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania managed to remain on the political map of Europe, but at the price of general religious Catholization and cultural Polonization. After the crisis, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania gradually changed into a deep province of the Polish state.</p>

No description available.

The purpose of this study is to make the Protestant church workers more efficient in their use of music in religious work by giving them a clear conception of the kind of music to be used and by suggesting detailed plans and methods by which desirable results may be secured in the use of church music. Ideal standards have their place, but here it is proposed to be matter-of-fact, practical and concrete, and to secure immediate results with the average church member and choir singer as the final criterion in every phase of the work. The purpose is not to emphasize high ideals but to instruct and inspire all those who have leadership in the service of church music, that they may be able here to provide the greatest religious helpfulness that the use of music can bring the souls to whom they minister.

Cette recherche a pour point de départ l’engouement suscité par le genre du traité des passions,soucieux de proposer une anatomie des passions de l’âme et en particulier de la haine. Celle-ci futincriminée aux lendemains des guerres de Religion dans le premier XVIIe siècle (1610-1659) comme laprincipale fautive dans le dérèglement du corps social. Une raison de l’odieux s’esquisse par la volonté dedomestiquer les effets funestes de cette odieuse passion mais aussi d’en faire un usage vertueux. Par letransfert à la pensée politique et religieuse du modèle anthropologique et moral d’une raison qui gouverneles passions haineuses, tous les champs de l’activité humaine se trouvèrent investis. Ce désir de pacifier lespassions du corps individuel comme du corps social et politique contribua à l’élaboration et à la diffusiond’une pensée théologico-politique favorable au renforcement de l’absolutisme. Le contrôle des mauvaisespassions impliqua de faire valoir le modèle d’une haine vertueuse, d’une raison de l’odieux, justifiée parl’exercice d’une passion d’Etat. La xénophobie politique voire étatique participa à l’artificialisation d’unehaine publique contre les « ennemis d’Etat » et renforça l’idée d’un sentiment ou d’un ressentimentnational. Il s’agit davantage de retracer l’imaginaire de la haine et de ses usages socio-politiques, plus qued’étudier cette passion comme une émotion. Le champ polémique des libelles, véritables fabriques del’odieux, permet d’étudier les stratégies politiques (anti-)pathiques mises en oeuvre, publicisées etinstrumentalisées dans l’écriture polémique, de la régence de Marie de Médicis aux ministères cardinaux deRichelieu puis Mazarin. / This research takes as its starting point the enthusiasm aroused by the genre of the treatise on the passions, which attempted to offer an anatomy of the passions of the soul in general and hatred in particular. In early seventeenth century France, hatred was held to be the primary cause of the disturbances that had shaken the body politic during the French Wars of Religion. Rational understandings of hatred began to emerge, driven by a desire to domesticate the dire effects of this odious passion and to find a virtuous use for it. The transfer into political and religious thought of an anthropological and moral model of a reason that governed hateful passions ensured that all fields of human activity were concerned. This desire to pacify the passions of the individual body as well as those of the body politic and economic contributed to the elaboration and diffusion of theologico-political thought favorable to the strengthening of Absolutism. Controlling evil passions involved highlighting a model of virtuous hatred, a “reason of the odious”, justified by the practice of a passion d’Etat. Political orstate xenophobia contributed to the artificialisation of public hatred against “enemies of the state” and reinforced the idea of national sentiment or resentment. The goal here is more to describe the imaginary of hatred and its socio-political uses, rather than studying this passion as such. The political field of libelles,veritable factories of hatred, allow one to study the (anti-)pathetical political strategies that were put into place, publicised and instrumentalised in polemical writing from the time of the Regency of Marie de Medici to the ministries of cardinals.