A big dilemma in the international politics is how the human rights can be combined with the states’ sovereignty. It has been a problem for a long time for the UN to know how to react when human rights are being violated and when to be able to use a military intervention. The government of Canada established a commission named ICISS to find a solution to this dilemma. The commission presented a report in the end of 2001 called Responsibility to Protect which was accepted as a norm of UN in 2005. The rapport offers solutions for the Security Council in cases of violations of human rights in foreign states. This thesis studies what this report means and examines if it is plausible and desirable from the perspectives of realism, constructivism and liberalism. To test the plausibility and the desirability is it also reviewed if the report can be understood in different ways. It turns out that realism finds the report mostly unplausible and not desirable. The liberalism regards the report as both plausible and desirable but finds that it is failing in some parts. The constructivism reckons the report as plausible but not necessarily desirable. It is also shown that the report can be understood in different ways which reduce its plausibility and desirability. However, the report offers possible solutions to a difficult dilemma and is a serious contribution to the conflict between the state and the individual.

<p>A big dilemma in the international politics is how the human rights can be combined with the states’ sovereignty. It has been a problem for a long time for the UN to know how to react when human rights are being violated and when to be able to use a military intervention.</p><p>The government of Canada established a commission named ICISS to find a solution to this dilemma. The commission presented a report in the end of 2001 called Responsibility to Protect which was accepted as a norm of UN in 2005. The rapport offers solutions for the Security Council in cases of violations of human rights in foreign states.</p><p>This thesis studies what this report means and examines if it is plausible and desirable from the perspectives of realism, constructivism and liberalism. To test the plausibility and the desirability is it also reviewed if the report can be understood in different ways.</p><p>It turns out that realism finds the report mostly unplausible and not desirable. The liberalism regards the report as both plausible and desirable but finds that it is failing in some parts. The constructivism reckons the report as plausible but not necessarily desirable. It is also shown that the report can be understood in different ways which reduce its plausibility and desirability.</p><p>However, the report offers possible solutions to a difficult dilemma and is a serious contribution to the conflict between the state and the individual.</p>

Dvidešimtas amžius atnešė žmogaus teises ir jų apsaugos idėją, kaip jas būtų galima puoselėti. 2001 metais Tarptautinė komisija dėl intervencijos ir valstybės suverenumo parengė projektą “Pareiga ginti” (Responsability to protect). Ši doktrina paremta valstybės pareiga saugoti ir gerbti jos piliečių žmogaus teises bei tarptautinės bendruomenės pareiga įsikišti, jeigu valstybė padaro didelio masto žmogaus teisių pažeidimus. Šis darbas siekia atsakyti į klausimą, ar doktrina “Pareiga ginti” yra tarptautinės paprotinės teisės norma. Tuo remiantis, pirmoje baigiamojo darbo dalyje analizuojama, kas yra tarptautinė paprotinė teisė ir kaip ji gali būti pritaikyta realioje situacijoje. Antroje dalyje pateikiamas doktrinos “Pareiga ginti” aprašymas, bei nurodomi pagrindiniai šios doktrinos elementai. Trečioje ir ketvirtoje dalyse analizuojami jėgos panaudojimo prieš valstybę teisiniai aspektai ir pateikiamas naujausias doktrinos pritaikymo atvejis Libijoje. Išvados darbo pabaigoje pateikia atsakymą į darbo pradžioje išsikeltą hipotezę, jog doktrina “Pareiga ginti” dar nėra tarptautinės paprotinės teisės norma, nors toks statusas padėtų išvengti politinio akligatvio ir Jungtinių Tautų Saugumo tarybos veiksmams suteiktų lankstumo. Pažymėtina, kad baigiamajame darbe taipogi pateikiama idėja, kad pirmasis doktrinos elementas, t.y. valstybės atsakomybė saugoti ir gerbti žmogaus teises yra tarptautinė paprotinė teisė. Tačiau antrasis elementas – tarptautinės bendruomenės įsikišimas į... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The rise of human rights in 20th century brought the idea of minimal international standard to ensure and protect those rights. In 2001 the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty made a report which suggested the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect based on the state’s duty to respect its own citizens’ rights and the duty of international community to step in if a state commits mass scale human rights violations. This final paper focuses on answering the question whether R2P has gained the status of customary law. For this reason the first chapter analyzes what defines international customary law and how can it be applied in particular cases. The second part of the paper focuses on presenting the R2P doctrine and its elements. The third and fourth chapters analyze the legal justification of use of force and the most recant example of R2P application in Libya. The conclusions bring the answer to the hypothesis that R2P is not yet an international customary law. Although the status of being one could be very beneficial in order to avoid political dead-end in the United Nations Security Council actions. In addition to this, this paper argues that state’s duty to protect its own people is already an international customary law, on the contrary international community, if needed to cope with failed states, still waits for the UNSC authorization. This leads to the conclusion that the second element of R2P (the actions of international community) is not an... [to full text]

This essay conducts a Plausibility Probe Case Study focused on how the UN and the wider international community have approached the civil war in Ethiopia. Because the Ethiopian Government has been unable to protect its population, Ethiopia can be considered a typical case for the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). R2P was introduced in response to the genocides in Rwanda and Srebrenica and builds upon the idea of the international community having a responsibility to assist states to protect their populations. R2P’s normative status remains debated, however, due to criticism directed against R2P’s third pillar which prescribes the international community a responsibility to act when a state is unwilling or unable to protect its population. Therefore, scholars have started to analyse R2P’s status by the use of Finnemore &amp; Sikkink’s Norm Life Cycle Theory, disagreeing about R2P’s normative strength and whether R2P will ever be able to enter the third stage of the Norm Life Cycle (NLC). This essay applies the same theory to the empirical findings from the Ethiopian case with the primary aim to contribute to the debate about R2P’s normative status. Findings show how R2P seems to be positioned at the second stage of the NLC. This does not necessarily mean that R2P should be considered a weak norm as the UN and the international community have indirectly complied with R2P when approaching the Ethiopian conflict. Yet, the fact that none of the relevant actors under study has mentioned R2P explicitly indicates how R2P still remains a controversial norm within international politics.

This study deals with attitude of three states - Brazil, India, and South Africa, towards the issue of humanitarian interventions and the principle of the Responsibility to Protect. The aim of this study is to assess what is the real motivation of selected states in the process of creation of their attitudes. Based on three main theoretical approaches - neorealism, liberalism, and constructivism, particular hypotheses are created in order to help determine explanation value of selected theories. All three selected theoretical approaches deal with different sets of variables with different importance. The main focus of the first half of the study is on introduction of humanitarian intervention, the principle of Responsibility to Protect, and selected theoretical approaches. In this part individual hypotheses are defined, and the methodological framework is also introduced. Second part of the study deals with actual analysis of attitudes of selected states and their consequential categorization. The individual variables are assessed, and conclusions are established. Based on analysis Brazil and South Africa seem to be two cases with different understanding of security than India. These two states also have different perception of own state identity and thus their attitude toward intervention/R2P is...

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Many scholars perceive state sovereignty as absolute, inviolable, indivisible, final, binding and stagnant. That perception emanates from inter alia political, social, cultural and environmental contexts of the modern era. Most literature converge that the doctrine of sovereignty first received official codification at the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Contemporary international norms, particularly the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, are arguably an environment and culture of current global politics. With human rights and democracy having taken centre-stage in contemporary political discourses, sovereignty is affected and influenced by such developments in international politics. Hence the argument that globalisation, among others, has eroded, weakened and rendered the doctrine of sovereignty obsolete. This study, using Zimbabwe‟s Operation Murambatsvina as a case study, demonstrates that sovereignty is neither unitary in practice, nor sacrosanct; it is dynamic and evolves, thus, in need of constant reconfiguration. To this end, the study uses the qualitative research methodology. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

The aim of the work is to analyze the concepts of humanitarian intervention and responsibility to protect (R2P) with special emphasis on their development in the light of the ongoing Syrian crisis. The text follows the evolution of humanitarian intervention into R2P and introduces theoretical assumptions behind both concepts. It is argued that at the moment, R2P does not bring particularly novel concepts into the international law and can be generally described as a hybrid of legal, political and moral obligations. Consequently, the text includes a case study of the Syrian conflict and an evaluation of the way R2P has been applied during the crisis. Final section of the work is devoted to a suggestion of a new solution for R2P - responsibility while protecting.

S'il ne fallait retenir qu'une chose de notre thèse, c'est la suivante : la responsabilité onusienne en matière des Droits de l'Homme nait sans fait attribuable, c'est une responsabilité indirecte : voici la ligne directrice de cette thèse.Tout au long des développements qui précèdent, nous nous sommes efforcés de faire le point sur la responsabilité onusienne en matière de la protection internationale des Droits de l'Homme. Après une analyse dont le but était à la fois de définir le contenu du concept de la responsabilité onusienne, le fondement juridique éventuel et sa mise en œuvre. / If you could take one thing from our thesis is the following: the responsibility of the UN in the protection of Human Rights was born without actually due, it is an indirect responsibility: Here are the director of this thesis online .Throughout the foregoing, we have tried to take on the UN responsibility for the international protection of human rights.The purpose of the analysis was both to define the content of the concept of UN responsibility, any legal basis and its implementation.

Kandidatuppsatsens syfte är undersöka tesen De amerikanska drönarattackerna är legitima, och genom att analysera folkrättsliga normer, suveränitetsprincipen, rapporten om The Responsibility to Protect, FNs stadga och säkerhetsrådets resolutioner och lyfta fram de argument som stödjer eller undergräver tesen. Uppsatsens metodologiska del handlar först om en idékritisk kvalitativ textanalys där dokument och texter analyseras, och sedan ska en argumentationsanalys där en pro et contra-lista skapas av de argument som textanalysen lyfter fram, detta för att få en djupare förståelse för hur komplext internationell rätt är ur en normsättande vinkel och varför politiker och experter kan ha svårt för att enas om en gemensamma tolkningar av det normativa ramverket som styr agerandet i väpnade konflikter. Kandidatuppsatsens syfte är att enbart titta på de juridiska aspekterna, och därför utlämnas andra aspekter såsom etiska, moraliska, ideologiska med flera från denna forskning.