Recent studies have shown that graduates from historically White universities (HWUs) experience better labour market outcomes than graduates from historically Black universities (HBUs). This is a result of the legacy of apartheid which promoted racial inequality in all spheres of South African society, more especially in higher education and the labour market. Post-1994, government dedicated large amounts for the restructuring of the higher education sector of South Africa in order to level out the playing field. However, graduates from HWUs still experience better labour market success than graduates from HBUs. That said, there is limited information about the labour market outcomes and experiences of graduates from a former White university (especially graduates from Rhodes University). Therefore, the central aim of this dissertation is to show that graduates from a historically White university (Rhodes University) experience varying and unequal outcomes in the South African labour market on account of (among other factors) their chosen fields of study, race and sex. This study is informed by the heterodox labour market approach, which is partly inspired by the critical realist account of the labour market. As a result, this theoretical framework allowed the researcher to use the Labour Market Segmentation (LMS) theory as a tool to inform this analysis. The study has adopted a quantitative survey design and has incorporated some of the key methodological lessons learned from the collection of international graduate tracer studies. The findings from this study indicated that ‘field of study’ is a strong determiner of the outcomes of Rhodes graduates in the labour market. This was visible in the persistence of a skills bias towards commerce and science graduates. Evidently, even when we controlled for race and sex, graduates from the commerce and science faculties experience better labour market outcomes than humanities graduates. This is a result of a skills biased South African economy, which has a higher demand for certain skills over others. However, the findings from this study also show evidence of pre-labour market discrimination and inequality (based on race and sex) in the supply-side institutions such as the family, schooling and university. The findings also show continuities and discontinuities of labour market discrimination (based on race and sex) in the outcomes of Rhodes graduates in the South African labour market. More importantly, this dissertation indicates that Rhodes graduates experience varying outcomes in the labour market as a result of (among other factors) their chosen fields of study, race and sex.

What are the perceptions, attitudes, and feelings of Arab-Muslim students about racism and prejudice towards their ethnicity and religious affiliation before September 11, 2001 and after?.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis concentrates on how nativism, through a series of discriminatory policies over the span of fifty years, influenced the creation of the Japanese American internment camps during the Second World War. By using the experiences of the first—and second—generations of Japanese immigrants, my thesis explores how nativism supported the creation of laws meant to preserve racial homogeneity, cultural superiority, economic segregation, and national security from the Japanese immigrants living in California during the end of the nineteenth century and first half of the twentieth century

For many health conditions, African Americans bear a disproportionate burden of disease, injury, death, and disability compared to European Americans. African Americans also use health services less frequently than do European Americans and this underuse of services contributes to health disparities in the United States. Studies have shown that some disparities are present not as a result of poor access to care, but, to a certain extent, as a result of the experiences patients have at their doctors' offices. It is, therefore, essential to understand African American patients' perspectives and experiences with healthcare providers. Past studies have shown that four barriers affect the quality of patient-provider relationships for African Americans: perceived discrimination, medical mistrust, race discordance, and poor communication. The studies, however, have not looked at how these barriers manifest when African Americans speak about their perspectives and experiences with health care providers. This project was a secondary data analysis of qualitative data provided by adult African American community members from Portland, Oregon with diabetes or hypertension or both, each of whom participated in one of 10 focus groups. The focus groups were conducted as part of a study that applied community based participatory research (CBPR) principles to understand patients' experiences with their doctors. Using a deductive approach, this analysis enhanced the understanding of how the barriers play a role in patient-provider relationships. Further, the analysis showed how the barriers are interrelated. In learning African American patients' experiences and perspectives on these four key barriers, the investigator proposes recommendations for healthcare providers as to how they can best deliver quality care for African Americans.

Overall this thesis analyzes a strain of the white supremacist vision in Denton, Texas via a case study of a former middle-class black neighborhood. This former community, Quakertown, was removed by white city officials and leaders in the early 1920s and was replaced with a public city park. Nearly a century later, the story of Quakertown is celebrated in Denton and is remembered through many sites of memory such as a museum, various texts, and several city, county, and state historical markers. Both the history and memory of Quakertown reveal levels of dominating white supremacy in Denton, ranging from harmless to violent. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 focus on the history of Quakertown. I begin chapter 2 by examining as many details as possible that reveal the middle-class nature of the black community and its residents. Several of these details show that Quakertown residents not only possessed plentiful material items, but they also had high levels of societal involvement both within their community as well as around Denton. Despite being a self-sufficient and successful community, Quakertown residents were not immune to the culture of racial fear that existed in Denton, which was common to countless towns and communities across the South during the Jim Crow era. I identify several factors that contributed to this culture of fear on the national level and explore how they were regularly consumed by Denton citizens in the 1910s and 1920s. After establishing Quakertown and the racist society in which it thrived, in chapter 3 I then examine the various sects of what I term the “white coalition,” such as local politicians, prominent citizens, and city clubs and organizations, who came together to construct a reason to remove the black community out of fear because of its proximity to the white women’s college, the College of Industrial Arts. I then look at the steps they took that secured the passage of the bond referendum that would allow them to legally remove the black neighborhood. Chapter 4 largely focuses on the ways in which the white coalition ensured the black community was transferred from Quakertown to its new community on the outskirts of town, Solomon Hill, from 1922-1923. These ways overwhelmingly included outright racial violence or the repeated threat of it. I then briefly describe the quality of Solomon Hill in the years after the relocation. I also summarize how and why the story of Quakertown was lost over time–among both white and black citizens–and conclude with the discovery of a Quakertown artifact in 1989, which initiated the renaissance period of Quakertown’s memory. In chapters 5 and 6 I switch gears and analyze the memory of Quakertown today via sites of memory. I begin by providing a brief historiography of New South memory studies in chapter 5. This review is important before delving into the specifics of the memory of Quakertown, because 1920s Denton was a microcosm of the New South, specifically in terms of race relations and dominating white supremacist ideals. I explore some of the different techniques utilized by memory historians to evaluate how and why the white supremacist vision dominated the southern region during the Jim Crow era; I, in turn, then use those same techniques to reveal how the white supremacist vision in Denton dominated at the same time. In chapter 6 I provide in-depth analysis of the most prominent sites of memory in Denton that, today, are dedicated to the memory of Quakertown. Collective analysis of these sites reveals levels of white exploitation, blatant omissions, and general misuse surrounding the story of the black removal and experience. I conclude my thesis by stressing that although the white vision today is shaped differently than it was during Jim Crow, it nonetheless still exists in Denton today, as evidenced in the treatment of the sites of Quakertown’s memory.

The Moving to Opportunity (MTO) randomized housing experiment was designed to evaluate the causal effects of random voucher assignment on the economic outcomes of adults and the educational outcomes of their children. MTO recruited predominantly non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic families living in public housing in neighborhoods with over 40% poverty and, in most cases, racial/ethnic minority concentration of 80% or more. Post hoc, MTO also examined the effect of voucher receipt on the long-term mental health outcomes among adolescents and, generally, found harmful effects among boys, but protective effects among girls. On average, voucher receipt led to residing in more affluent, and slightly less racially and ethnically segregated neighborhoods. These neighborhood differences could have led to greater exposure to perceived racial/ethnic and class discrimination among non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic adolescents from high-poverty neighborhoods, which, in turn, may have affected their mental health, with a stronger harmful effect among boys than girls. A prior qualitative study found that compared to no voucher, boys whose families moved with a voucher reported more instances of racial and class discrimination in the new neighborhoods. However, girls whose families moved with a voucher did not report more instances of discrimination than girls whose families did not receive a voucher. In addition, Black and Hispanic boys have been shown to be more sensitive to differences in affluence between themselves and their neighbors than girls. For example, low-income boys, but not girls, living alongside more affluent neighbors exhibited more antisocial behavior compared to their peers who lived alongside low-income neighbors. Examining whether aspects of neighborhood poverty and racial/ethnic composition, which may be associated with class and racial/ethnic discrimination, are mechanisms behind the unintended consequences of Section 8 housing voucher receipt may inform more nuanced housing policy decisions. Identifying the pathways for the unintended harmful effects on the mental health of boys may help policymakers distribute housing subsidies in a way that is beneficial to all family members. To examine the potential pathway for the surprising findings in the MTO, I completed three specific aims in this dissertation: a systematic literature review and two empirical aims. First, I conducted a systematic literature review to examine the evidence that sex moderates the established association between perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and mental health outcomes in Black and Hispanic preadolescents to young adults. Second, I estimated the effect of Section 8 voucher receipt on perceived individual-level racial/ethnic discrimination, stratifying analyses by the selected effect modifiers (e.g., voucher type, sex, and/or city). Third, I estimated the indirect effects of voucher receipt on the risk of long-term mental health outcomes among adolescents through neighborhood affluence and racial/ethnic composition, stratifying by sex. The results of the systematic literature review suggest that, among pre-adolescents to young adults, there was no strong evidence to support the moderating effect of sex on the association between perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and depressive symptoms or behavioral problems. However, the review found support for the moderating role of sex on the association between perceived discrimination and the outcomes of anxiety and PTSD. In the first empirical study, I found that Low Poverty Voucher (LPV) receipt reduced the risk of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination by police among boys only. In Los Angeles, receipt of LPV and, separately, Traditional Voucher (TRV) receipt reduced the risk of perceived school and neighborhood discrimination, respectively. In contrast, in Chicago, TRV receipt increased the risk of perceived discrimination at a store or at a restaurant. Voucher receipt did not have an estimated effect on the risk of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination in Boston or New York. In the second empirical study, among boys, part of the estimated harmful effect of voucher receipt (LPV and TRV combined) on the risk of externalizing disorders was mitigated by a bundle of mediators, which included residing in neighborhoods with less than 20% poverty, more college graduates, and slightly less racial/ethnic segregation over the duration of follow-up. However, the same bundle of mediators explained part of the harmful effect of voucher receipt on the risk of mood disorders among boys. Among girls, part of the protective effect of voucher receipt on externalizing disorders and mood disorders operated through this bundle of mediators. I utilized causal inference methods (i.e., calculated average treatment effect) to estimate the effect of Section 8 housing vouchers on perceived racial/ethnic discrimination in Chapter 3, as well as their indirect effect, through neighborhood affluence and racial/ethnic composition, on long-term adolescent mental health outcomes in Chapter 4. Overall, the findings of this dissertation suggest that there is heterogeneity in the effect of perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and Section 8 voucher receipt on adolescent mental health outcomes. Furthermore, such effects vary depending on the mental health outcome. For example, among boys, the harmful effect of voucher receipt partially operated through the bundle of mediators on mood disorders, but the same mediators had a protective effect on externalizing disorders. Additional research is needed into the causes of these heterogeneous indirect effects on mental health outcomes among boys. Future housing interventions should consider utilizing this information to avoid harming the subgroups they intend to aid.

Prior to 1994, citizenship was one of the pillars upon which the erstwhile government's policy of separate development rested. The concepts of citizenship and nationality were manipulated by the apartheid government to justify the denationalisation of black people and the creation of different classes of citizenship. Race, colour and language were the distinguishing features used to classify people into the different classes of citizenship. With the advent of the new constitutional order in 1994, common citizenship and the rights associated with it were restored to all South Africans. This discussion shows how in the post-1994 constitutional order citizenship has become an element of nation-building, while on the other hand it continues to perpetuate discrimination against non-citizens. The study aims to further the debate regarding the ill treatment of non-citizens with a view of influencing legislative and policy reform to replace the existing laws which are biased against no-citizens. / Law / LL.M.

This study demonstrates the negative effect of stereotypes in the progression of women in the legal profession in South Africa and the laws, policies and measures that reinforce gender and sex stereotypes are discriminatory on the basis of gender and sex. This notwithstanding, it considers whether gender equality can be achieved where the measures adopted for gender transformation are premised on gender or sex stereotypes. The study analyses the Cape Bar Maternity Policy in concluding that this approach is justifiable and necessary to achieve substantive gender equality. In addition, this study provides recommendations for the legal profession to achieve substantive gender equality that include: special measures to ensure that the working environment is cognisant of the lived realities of women; requiring practitioners to confront their individual bias by holding them accountable for habits and attitudes that maintain gender inequality; and linking the career advancement of legal professionals to a demonstrable commitment to gender transformation. / Jurisprudence / LL. M. (Human Rights Law)

La tesi vol respondre quatre preguntes: Quina concepció d'educació intercultural ens cal a la Catalunya del segle XXI? Com ha fet front el sistema educatiu de Catalunya a l'arribada d'alumnes d'origen estranger? Quins canvis haurem de propiciar en el currículum escolar per tal de fer una educació més científica i més justa? Quina ha de ser la formació que hem d'oferir al professorat de l'educació bàsica per garantir una educació intercultural?L'educació intercultural que es propugna en aquesta tesi és la que es proposa treballar perquè tots els alumnes aprenguin a viure en societats obertes i plurals. Dins de l'educació intercultural que es proposa, s'hi plantegen tres èmfasis diferents: el que posa l'accent en els aspectes ètics, en els aspectes didàctics i en els culturals o curriculars. I pel que fa a la formació del professorat, es diu que un dels primers objectius ha de ser la revisió dels propis coneixements i actituds. / The thesis wants to reply four questions. Which conception of intercultural education, do Catalonia need in the 21st century? How has the educational system of Catalonia faced the arrival of foreign origin pupils? What kinds of changes will have to propitiate in the school curriculum in order to make a more scientific and fairer education? Which has to be the training that we have to offer to the teaching staff of the basic education to guarantee an intercultural education?The intercultural education that is advocated in this thesis is that which it proposes to work so that all pupils learn to life in open and plural societies. In the intercultural education that is proposed there are three different emphases; the one that puts the accent on the ethical aspects, in the didactic aspects and in the cultural or curricular ones. And regarding the formation of the teachers, it is said that one of the first objective has to be the revision of the knowledge themselves and actitudes.

An in-school feeding project, Kids In Need or KIN, was introduced in the fall of 2001 to a rural community located between two First Nation's Reserves, in southern Alberta. I analyze the KIN project and its ensuing controversy as the site of struggle over the meaning of parenting. Given the predominance of neoliberalism as a discursive practice, centered on individual responsibility, the controversy generated by the KIN project reflects the central question of how to implement a program devised to assist children living with adults presumably "responsible" for their well-being. Implicitly the debate centered on particular class-based, neoconservative constructions of families, which support a gendered division of labor and were deployed in this community to reengage long standing notions about the parental deficits of Natives. This thesis explores the possible dangers, then, of the KIN project's focus on child poverty, in relation to neoliberal constructions of personhood, gender and race. / vi, 124 leaves ; 29 cm.