The present dissertation deals with the factors influencing the professional careers of merchants and craftsmen working in the Swedish town of Sundsvall between 1850 and 1900. The most important hypotheses are: To what degree did social origins influence an entrepreneur's opportunities for running his business? How many of the children of these businessmen assumed and maintained their parents' social status upon attaining adulthood? What significance did the entrepreneur's spouse have for his business activities? To what degree were his economic activities influenced by joining local voluntary associations? By combining data culled from the parish registers of the Swedish Lutheran Church, the poll tax registers and the primary source material for national trade statistics, the author has been able to identify the individuals who worked as entrepreneurs in Sundsvall during the period under investigation, what they paid in business income tax each year, the professional titles they possessed and the places in which they and their relatives resided during their lifetimes. The results show that the majority of the most successful younger entrepreneurs active in the town before the introduction of freedom of trade in Sweden in the year 1864 were mostly immigrants from other parts of the country, who had furthermore come from relatively modest backgrounds. However, the social and geographic origins of these entrepreneur's wives has prpven to be of central significance to the success of the business, in instances where she had been raised in a business family from Sundsvall. The profes­sional skill of the entrepreneur together with his wife's familiarity with the town, in all likelihood also combined with her inherited cultural capital, contributed to creating a de­mand from the local populace for the goods or services sold by the company. / digitalisering@umu

The present dissertation deals with the factors influencing the professional careers of mer-chants and craftsmen working in the Swedish town of Sundsvall between 1850 and 1900. The most important hypotheses are: To what degree did social origins influence an entre-preneur's opportunities for running his business? How many of the children of these busi-nessmen assumed and maintained their parents' social status upon attaining adulthood? What significance did the entrepreneur's spouse have for his business activities? To what degree were his economic activities influenced by joining local voluntary associations? By combining data culled from the parish registers of the Swedish Lutheran Church, the poll tax registers and the primary source material for national trade statistics, the author has been able to identify the individuals who worked as entrepreneurs in Sundsvall during the period under investigation, what they paid in business income tax each year, the profes-sional titles they possessed and the places in which they and their relatives resided during their lifetimes. The results show that the majority of the most successful younger entrepreneurs active in the town before the introduction of freedom of trade in Sweden in the year 1864 were mostly immigrants from other parts of the country, who had furthermore come from rela-tively modest backgrounds. However, the social and geographic origins of these entrepre-neur's wives has proven to be of central significance to the success of the business, in in-stances where she had been raised in a business family from Sundsvall. The professional skill of the entrepreneur together with his wife's familiarity with the town, in all likelihood also combined with her inherited cultural capital, contributed to creating a demand from the local populace for the goods or services sold by the company / <p>Distrubution: Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, Umeå universitet,, 901 87 Umeå, 090-786 50 00</p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Cristina Cintra Machaczek.pdf: 1460796 bytes, checksum: bf788c0112565496996ae62d21b3ad23 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation studies the importance of and need for freedom of trade unions as foreseen in Convention 87 of the International Labor Organization. By means of a historical digression the role and relevance of that organization and some aspects of the unions organization are considered with, as well as the legal and supra-legal barriers that hinder the implementation of the unions freedom in Brazil. Using a legal and philosophical approach, the question of freedom will be based, on the reflections of Hannah Arendt in her books The Human Condition and Between Past and Future , as well on the contribution of other authors / Esta dissertação estuda a importância e necessidade da liberdade sindical preconizada na Convenção 87 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. Por meio de uma digressão histórica abordamos o papel e relevância dessa Organização e alguns aspectos da organização sindical, assim como as barreiras de ordem legal e supra legal que impossibilitam a implementação da liberdade sindical no Brasil. A questão da liberdade será fundamentada sob o enfoque jurídico e filosófico contido, nas reflexões de Hannah Arendt a partir de suas obras: A Condição Humana e Entre o Passado e o Futuro , e também com a contribuição de outros autores

En matière économique, l'autorisation administrative est un instrument de contrôle du marché dont l'instauration et souvent l'allocation sont théoriquement décidées par l'État. Le recours au marché pour distribuer certaines autorisations administratives bouscule cette présentation. L'autorisation administrative devient l'objet même d'un marché tout en étant un outil censé le réguler. Une fois admise cette ambivalence, se pose la question de la pérennité du contrôle de l'État lorsque l'octroi des autorisations administratives qu'il prévoit repose sur le marché. Susceptible de mettre les bienfaits de ce mode d'allocation des ressources au service de la régulation de l'économie, cette évolution du régime de l'autorisation administrative peut en même temps exprimer la soumission à la loi du marché de la régulation étatique au moyen de l'autorisation administrative.L'objet de cette thèse est de démontrer que l'État n'a qu'une influence limitée sur l'allocation marchande des autorisations administratives à objet économique. Impuissant à empêcher la formation du marché en raison des considérations économiques et psychologiques qui président à sa construction, il l'encourage généralement de façon involontaire ou sous la contrainte. Avec l'Union européenne, les opérateurs économiques soumis à autorisation préalable sont les premiers artisans du marché. Une fois le marché construit, des leviers d'intervention permettent à l'État d'influencer les échanges d'autorisations administratives. En adoptant tour à tour les rôles d'offreur d'autorisations administratives, de demandeur et d'autorité régulatrice, il cumule les facultés de contrôle respectivement attachées à ces fonctions. La circonstance que ces compétences soient toutes partagées et pas nécessairement mises en œuvre atténue notablement ce constat. / In the economic sphere, administrative authorization is traditionally considered a tool used to control the market, with its creation and oftentimes, allocation being, in theory, the result of the State’s decision. Appealing to the market itself for the distribution some administrative authorizations shifts this paradigm. The administrative authorization becomes itself the subject of the market that it supposedly regulates. With this ambivalence having been underlined, the durability of the State’s control over administrative authorizations can be questioned when the market itself determines the authorizations’ distribution. While this evolution could benefit the process of economic regulation with the introduction of its resource distribution model, it could simultaneously reflect the submission of State regulation to the law of the market, through the use of the administrative authorization.

O direito fundamental à liberdade sindical, consagrado no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro não apenas na Constituição Federal, mas também nos mais importantes Pactos Internacionais de Direiros Humanos ratificados pelo Brasil, possui, a despeito de sua conceituação aberta e aparentemente imprecisa, um conteúdo histórico-institucional que pode ser objetivamente delineado e que, por tal razão, condiciona a atuação dos órgãos estatais e dos atores particulares nas situações concretas de aplicabilidade. Demonstrar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o conteúdo institucional da liberdade sindical foi talhado não só pelo contexto fático presente no momento histórico de seu surgimento, como também pelas vicissitudes ocorridas ao longo de seu desenvolvimento espaço-temporal, de modo a ensejar como consectário lógico, dentre os diversos aspectos individuais e coletivos a ele inerentes, a tutela dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades representativas contra as condutas antissindicais e antirrepresentativas praticadas pelos empregadores, pelo Estado e pelos próprios sindicatos. Para além disso, a tese buscará elencar, de modo objetivo, (i) os sujeitos titulares da proteção contra os atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos subjacente ao conteúdo histórico-institucional do princípio da liberdade sindical, (ii) as circunstâncias sob as quais estes últimos encontram-se amparados, (iii) os parâmetros objetivos a serem observados pelo legislador ordinário, bem como pelo Poder Judiciário e pelo Poder Executivo quando da concretização, da aplicação e da regulamentação dos dispositivos do ordenamento jurídicos a consagrarem o direito fundamental à liberdade sindical e (iv) os mecanismos de tutela de que dispõem dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades em face daquelas práticas.Ao cabo de tal análise, ter-se-á o delineamento objetivo da tutela emanada do princípio da liberdade sindical consagrado no ordenamento jurídico pátrio em relação aos atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos passíveis de serem praticados contra os trabalhadores e suas entidades e das diretrizes a vincularem os agentes públicos na implementação prática de tal tutela. / The freedom of trade unions association, as an human right recognized by the Brazilian law not only in the text of the Federal Constitution, but also in the most important International Human Rights Conventions signed by Brazil, own, despite its open and apparently imprecise definition, an historic content that can be defined in objective lines and which terms links the public authorities and the private actors to its lines in the concrete situations. The study intend to demonstrate, on that sense, that the institutional content owned by the freedom of trade unions association was defined not only in the historical moment when these right has arrived, but also in the situations occurred during its development as an institutional right. The evolution faced by the freedom of trade unions association lead us to understand the protection of the workers and its collective bodies from the acts against the labor organization (as known as unfair labor practices) promoted by the employers, by the public authorities or by the trade unions itself as a matter inherent to these institutional right. Moreover, the study will try to describe objectively (i) the subjects of the protection against those unfair labor practices, (ii) the circumstances under which these subjects are protected, (iii) the objective terms to be followed by the authorities of the Legislative, Judiciary and Executive in the task of giving practical sense to the freedom of trade unions association as an instrument of protection against the unfair labor practices and (iv) the protection mechanisms which the law offers to the workers and its bodies in order to protect them from those unfair practices.After all, it will be possible to describe the objective terms of the protection that the freedom of trade nunions association recognized by the Brazilian law as an autonomous institution give to workers and its organizations against those unfair labor practices.

O direito fundamental à liberdade sindical, consagrado no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro não apenas na Constituição Federal, mas também nos mais importantes Pactos Internacionais de Direiros Humanos ratificados pelo Brasil, possui, a despeito de sua conceituação aberta e aparentemente imprecisa, um conteúdo histórico-institucional que pode ser objetivamente delineado e que, por tal razão, condiciona a atuação dos órgãos estatais e dos atores particulares nas situações concretas de aplicabilidade. Demonstrar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o conteúdo institucional da liberdade sindical foi talhado não só pelo contexto fático presente no momento histórico de seu surgimento, como também pelas vicissitudes ocorridas ao longo de seu desenvolvimento espaço-temporal, de modo a ensejar como consectário lógico, dentre os diversos aspectos individuais e coletivos a ele inerentes, a tutela dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades representativas contra as condutas antissindicais e antirrepresentativas praticadas pelos empregadores, pelo Estado e pelos próprios sindicatos. Para além disso, a tese buscará elencar, de modo objetivo, (i) os sujeitos titulares da proteção contra os atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos subjacente ao conteúdo histórico-institucional do princípio da liberdade sindical, (ii) as circunstâncias sob as quais estes últimos encontram-se amparados, (iii) os parâmetros objetivos a serem observados pelo legislador ordinário, bem como pelo Poder Judiciário e pelo Poder Executivo quando da concretização, da aplicação e da regulamentação dos dispositivos do ordenamento jurídicos a consagrarem o direito fundamental à liberdade sindical e (iv) os mecanismos de tutela de que dispõem dos trabalhadores e de suas entidades em face daquelas práticas.Ao cabo de tal análise, ter-se-á o delineamento objetivo da tutela emanada do princípio da liberdade sindical consagrado no ordenamento jurídico pátrio em relação aos atos antissindicais e antirrepresentativos passíveis de serem praticados contra os trabalhadores e suas entidades e das diretrizes a vincularem os agentes públicos na implementação prática de tal tutela. / The freedom of trade unions association, as an human right recognized by the Brazilian law not only in the text of the Federal Constitution, but also in the most important International Human Rights Conventions signed by Brazil, own, despite its open and apparently imprecise definition, an historic content that can be defined in objective lines and which terms links the public authorities and the private actors to its lines in the concrete situations. The study intend to demonstrate, on that sense, that the institutional content owned by the freedom of trade unions association was defined not only in the historical moment when these right has arrived, but also in the situations occurred during its development as an institutional right. The evolution faced by the freedom of trade unions association lead us to understand the protection of the workers and its collective bodies from the acts against the labor organization (as known as unfair labor practices) promoted by the employers, by the public authorities or by the trade unions itself as a matter inherent to these institutional right. Moreover, the study will try to describe objectively (i) the subjects of the protection against those unfair labor practices, (ii) the circumstances under which these subjects are protected, (iii) the objective terms to be followed by the authorities of the Legislative, Judiciary and Executive in the task of giving practical sense to the freedom of trade unions association as an instrument of protection against the unfair labor practices and (iv) the protection mechanisms which the law offers to the workers and its bodies in order to protect them from those unfair practices.After all, it will be possible to describe the objective terms of the protection that the freedom of trade nunions association recognized by the Brazilian law as an autonomous institution give to workers and its organizations against those unfair labor practices.

Abstract My objective in this dissertation is to clarify the early organization of the Finnish working class into cultural societies. The model was taken from Sweden. In the present study, the early history of the workers’ societies is followed from the mid 1840s to the beginning of the 1870’s. In Finland the newspapers published short accounts of these cultural societies. The founding of a cultural society was suggested in Turku already in 1856, but the 1860’s became the decade of the Finnish cultural societies. Turku Cultural Society (1861–1870), the Workers’ Singing Society in Helsinki (1857–1870) and the Oulu Cultural Society (1866–1873) were the largest ones. The cultural societies in Finland can thus be seen as a later branch of a broader Swedish cultural society movement. This was noticed already in the mid 1870’s. Cultural societies were among the first organizations of the masses. The societies formed libraries and newspaper reading rooms, made possible choir and drama clubs, and organised popular lectures. At the end of the program there was a dance. The central purpose of the meetings was to bring the gentry and the common people closer together. Although the activities were led by the gentry, cultural societies were all born and developed from the artisans through their own active role. In the concluding age of the guilds, the artisan youth especially needed new types of societies in place of their guilds. The percentage of women members was noticeable. In Helsinki women made up one half of the membership and in Turku the percentage of women rose in some years to be two thirds of the membership. The organization of the workers in Finland did not wait for the birth of a class conscious of its position. It broke through in a pre-industrial structure of artisans, grew into the 1860’s cultural societies and developed into the 1870’s industrial workers’ societies, temperance movements and volunteer fire brigades, popular lectures, reading rooms and public libraries. As the Wright Workers’ Movement began in the 1880’s, the cultural work was readily attached to the movement and seen as a clear part of its structural activities. / Tiivistelmä Tehtäväni on tässä tutkimuksessa selvittää suomalaisen työväen varhaista järjestäytymistä sivistysseuroihin 1860-luvulla, ajalla ennen wrightiläisiä työväenseuroja. Tutkimuksen alkuosan keskeisenä sisältönä ovat ruotsalaiset sivistysseurat. Seuraan Ruotsin työväenseurojen varhaisinta historiaa 1840-luvun puolivälistä 1860-luvun alkuun. Painopiste on ajanjakson alkuvaiheissa ja erityisesti Tukholman sivistysseurassa. Suomessa seurattiin lehtien palstoilla vanhan emämaan tapahtumia, ja erityisesti turkulaiset sanomalehdet julkaisivat pieniä uutisia ruotsalaisista sivistysseuroista. Ensimmäisen kerran sivistysseuran perustamista ehdotettiin Turussa vuonna 1856, mutta varsinaiset perustamistoimet pääsivät käyntiin vasta aivan seuraavan vuosikymmenen alkukuukausina. 1860-luvusta tulikin kolmen suuren suomalaisen sivistysseuran vuosikymmen. Turun Sivistysseura sai perustamisluvan viranomaisilta kesällä 1861 ja toimi vuoteen 1870 asti. Helsingissä oli jo 1850-luvulta alkaen toiminut Käsityöläisten lauluseura, joka vuonna 1864 muutti sääntönsä turkulaisten mallin mukaiseksi. Sekin oli toiminnassa vuoteen 1870. Kolmas suuri sivistysseura perustettiin vuonna 1866 Ouluun, ja se lopetti toimintansa vuonna 1873. Myös Oulun seura perustettiin käyttämällä Turun Sivistysseuran sääntöjä mallina. 1860-luvulla toimineet suomalaiset sivistysseurat eivät syntyneet erillisenä ja kotimaisena ilmiönä. Ne voidaan perustellusti nähdä myöhäisenä haarana laajempaa ruotsalaista sivistysseuraliikettä, jonka taustalta hahmottuu puolestaan koko eurooppalaisen työväenliikkeen varhaisin kausi. Ensimmäiset aikalaistarkkailijat kiinnittivät tähän vaikutushistoriaan huomiota jo 1870-luvun puolivälissä. Sivistysseurat kuuluivat oloissamme ensimmäisiin joukkojärjestöihin, joiden toiminnassa oli mukana sekä yhteistä kansaa että säätyläistöä. Seurat perustivat jäsenilleen kirjastoja ja sanomalehtien lukusaleja, mahdollistivat kuoro- ja näytelmäharrastusta sekä järjestivät sivistäviä huvitilaisuuksia, joissa kuultiin kansantajuisia esitelmiä. Ohjelman päätteeksi tanssittiin. Kokousten keskeisenä tarkoituksena oli lähentää säätyläistöä ja kansaa toisiinsa, ja erityisesti tämän toivottiin toteutuvan säätyjen välisen tanssin kautta. Vaikka toiminta oli säätyläisvetoista, kaikki suomalaiset sivistysseurat olivat kuitenkin syntyneet alhaalta kasvavana toimintana, käsityöläisten oman aktiivisuuden kautta. Ammattikuntien lopettamiskaudella erityisesti käsityöläisnuoriso tarvitsi kiltojensa tilalle uudenlaisia yhdistyksiä. Mukaansa se tarvitsi johtamaan tottunutta säätyläistöä, joka sitten hankki ja säilytti seurojen määräysvallan itselleen. On suorastaan paradoksaalista, miten häikäilemättömin järjestöllisin toimin säätyläistö säilytti vallan itsellään seuroissa, jotka pyrkivät harmonisoimaan ja tasoittamaan yhteiskuntaluokkien välisiä eroja. Tästä huolimatta suomalaisissa sivistysseuroissa jäsenkunnan enemmistön muodostivat käsityöläistaustaiset työläiset. Myös naisten osuus jäsenistöstä oli huomattava. Helsingissä naisia oli puolet jäsenistä, ja Turussa naisten osuus kohosi joinakin vuosina jopa kahteen kolmannekseen. Työväen järjestäytyminen ei meilläkään odottanut asemastaan tietoisen työväenluokan syntyä. Järjestäytyminen murtautui esiin esiteollisissa käsityöläisrakenteissa, kasvoi 1860-lukujen sivistysseuroissa ja kehittyi 1870-luvulla tehdastyöväen yhdistyksissä, raittiusseuroissa ja vapaapalokunnissa kansantajuisten luentojen, lukutupien ja kansankirjastojen myötävaikutuksella. Näin kehittyi vähitellen työväen sivistysseurojen kausi.

The purpose of this study is to gain an in-depth understanding of the five institutional factors: democracy, rule of law, freedom to trade, education and corruption, and how they affect income inequality. The analysis covers a total of 20 different countries, 10 OECD countries, and 10 low to medium income countries between the time period of 2000-2017. The study´s dependent variable is the Gini index and the independent variables are different types of measurements for corruption, democracy, rule of law, freedom to trade, and education. Results from the regression analysis have been made in order to get a better understanding in what way these variables affect income inequality. The result of the regression analysis was that four of these five variables had a negative relation with income inequality. With the independent variable “Freedom to trade” stood for the outlying result. Something that is however in line with previous research where the two categories of countries were split into two different regression analyses and showed different results depending on the type of country. We did the same thing and also then we found the same result as the previous research. Our conclusion from this study is that there seems to be a negative connection between income inequality and the five institutional factors. / Syftet med denna studie är att få en fördjupad förståelse av de fem institutionella faktorerna: demokrati, rättsstatsprincipen, handelsfrihet, utbildning och korruption och hur de påverkar inkomst ojämlikheten. Analysen omfattar totalt 20 olika länder, 10 OECD-länder och 10 låg till medelinkomstländer mellan perioden 2000–2017. Studiens beroende variabel är Gini koefficienten och de oberoende variablerna är olika former av mått på korruption, demokrati, rättsstatsprincipen, handelsfrihet och utbildning. Resultaten från regressionsanalysen har gjorts för att få en bättre förståelse för på vilket sätt dessa variabler påverkar inkomst ojämlikheten. Resultatet av regressionsanalysen var att fyra av dessa fem variabler hade ett negativt samband med inkomstojämlikhet. Där den oberoende variabeln “handelsfrihet” stod för det udda resultatet. Något som dock går i linje med tidigare forskning där man dessutom delade upp de två kategorierna av länder i olika regressionsanalyser och kom fram till olika resultat beroende på typen av land. Detta gjorde vi också och fick även då samma resultat som den tidigare forskningen. Vår slutsats av studien är att det till synes finns ett negativt samband mellan inkomstojämlikhet och de fem institutionella faktorerna.

No description available.

Prior to 1994, citizenship was one of the pillars upon which the erstwhile government's policy of separate development rested. The concepts of citizenship and nationality were manipulated by the apartheid government to justify the denationalisation of black people and the creation of different classes of citizenship. Race, colour and language were the distinguishing features used to classify people into the different classes of citizenship. With the advent of the new constitutional order in 1994, common citizenship and the rights associated with it were restored to all South Africans. This discussion shows how in the post-1994 constitutional order citizenship has become an element of nation-building, while on the other hand it continues to perpetuate discrimination against non-citizens. The study aims to further the debate regarding the ill treatment of non-citizens with a view of influencing legislative and policy reform to replace the existing laws which are biased against no-citizens. / Law / LL.M.