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Thesis (M.A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / During the apartheid era in South Africa, Black women were mostly oppressed members of the population. They faced the triple whammy oppression of race, sex and class which prevented them from living their lives freely. These categories of oppressions overlapped into the democratic dispensation. Although South Africa has become a democratic Republic, Black women continue to experience the triple whammy oppression of racism, sexism and classism. These oppressions are prevalent among Black women in the Mankweng community of Limpopo Province, resulting in different types of social issues. This development has motivated Black communities to employ Womanist theory or Womanism to eradicate the triple whammy oppressions and social issues that have morphed into challenges in the communities. This theory considers the element of equality from different aspects of life in the society. The aim of this study was to explore the triple whammy oppression and its role in making Mankweng Community in Limpopo Province of post-apartheid South Africa an unsafe environment. The study utilised semi-structured interviews to collect and collate data. Collected data established that Black women and men have different and similar views on the triple whammy oppression and social issues that contribute to unsafe environments for Black women in Mankweng Community of Limpopo Province. The study further established that Black women are mostly the victims of oppressions and social issues. The study further recommends that black men must be educated about the importance of women and that the philosophy of Ubuntu must be practiced in the communities of Black people in order to have safe environments for everyone.

Tracking, or ability grouping, separates students often based on perceived academic ability based on subjective rather than objective criteria. State policies mandating objective placement criteria could increase access to advanced coursework and reduce the harmful effects of tracking. In 2018 and 2019, North Carolina enacted legislation mandating advanced mathematics placement for top-scoring students. Despite a turbulent 2019 legislative session, the policy passed unanimously in 2019. This qualitative case study draws on interviews, legislative documents, local news articles, and publicly available reports and data to explore how race and the politics of tracking influenced the legislation at key stages of the policy process. The research is intended to inform both scholarly literature in the fields of political science and public policy and provide practical insights into the educational policymaking process. Findings underscore the importance of the framing and messaging of an issue, bipartisan political relationships, and the role of the local media. Additionally, by examining the use of a race-neutral framing in the political messaging and policy formulation, the study sheds light on the tension between incremental progress through meritocratic ideals of promotion and access rather than directly addressing systemic educational inequality inherent in systems of tracking.

The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of perceived discrimination on Samoan health. This study employed purposive data collection and was conducted quantitatively using a questionnaire format, which measured everyday perceived discrimination, depression, and physical health.

Notre dissertation investigue les actions individuelles et légales de contestation des discriminations raciales ou ethniques par ses victimes, objet rarement étudié en psychologie sociale. Alors que les actions collectives s’inscrivent dans un cadre des relations intergroupes, nos études montrent que les actions individuelles restent plutôt dans le cadre de relations perçues endogroupales par les acteurs qui contestent les discriminations. Les implications en termes d’identité sociale dans ce type d’action sont différentes et nous postulons qu’une catégorisation à un niveau supra-ordonné (ex. comme membre de la société hôte ou être humain) facilite l’entreprise des actions individuelles de contestation des discriminations par la voie légale. L’égalitarisme qui rend saillant ce niveau de catégorisation supra-ordonné, et en tant que croyance qui délégitime le statut désavantagé des individus stigmatisés, faciliterait la remise en question du statu quo en augmentant la perception de la discrimination ainsi que la tendance à s’engager dans des actions de lutte contre les discriminations par la voie légale. De plus, motivés par des démarches qui rentabilisent le rapport coûts-bénéfices, les individus portés par l’égalitarisme et qui perçoivent la discrimination s’engageraient plus facilement dans des actions de contestation lorsqu’ils pensent qu’ils peuvent le faire au bénéfice de la collectivité plutôt que dans leur propre intérêt uniquement. D’autre part, l’entreprise d’actions contre les discriminations par la voie légale nécessite une connaissance relative de ces lois qui fonctionnent comme des normes injonctives indiquant aux individus ce qui est admis ou non en société (ex. caractère interdit de la discrimination). Une source experte (ex. organisme de lutte contre le racisme) qui véhicule ce type de normes injonctives anti-racistes serait particulièrement influente dans l’entreprise d’actions légales pour lutter contre les discriminations. / Doctorat en Sciences Psychologiques et de l'éducation / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis examines the political thought of Achille Mbembe. It deploys decolonial critical analysis to unmask traces of coloniality with regard to the African existential conditions foregrounded in the conception of the African subject, its subjection, and subjectivity. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is decolonial epistemic perspective—the epistemic intervention that serves as a lens to understand Mbembe’s work and—that is the theoretical foundation outside the Euro-North American “mainstream” canon foregrounded in coloniality. Decolonial epistemic perspective in this thesis is deployed to expose three kinds of coloniality in Mbembe’s work, namely: coloniality of power, coloniality of knowledge and coloniality of being. The thrust of this thesis is that Mbembe’s political thought is inadequate for the understanding of the African existential condition in that it does not fully take coloniality into account. In order to acknowledge the existence of coloniality through decolonial critical analysis, the political thought of Mbembe is examined in relation to modes of self-writing, power in the postcolony, the politics of violence in Africa, Frantz Fanon’s political thought, and the idea of South Africa as major themes undertaken in this thesis. Decolonial critical analysis deals with foundational questions that have relevance to the existential condition of the African subject and the manner in which such an existential crisis can be brought to an end. These foundational questions confront issues like—who is speaking or writing, from where, for whom and why? This thesis reveals that Mbembe is writing and thinking Africa from outside the problematic ontology of the African subject and, as such, Mbembe precludes any form of African subjectivity that challenges the Euro-North American canon. This then reveals that Mbembe is not critical of coloniality and this has the implications in that subjection is left on the wayside and not accounted for. Having explored the genealogy, trajectory and horisons of decolonial critical analysis to understand the political thought of Mbembe, this thesis highlights that it is essential to take a detour through the shifting of the geography of reason. Herein lies the originality of this thesis, and it is here that Africa is thought from within a standpoint of decolonial critical analysis and not Africa that is thought from the Euro-North American canon. Therefore, the shifting of the geography of reason is necessary for the authorisation of the subjectivity of the African subject in order to combat subjection. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Summaries in English and Afrikkans / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the labour law position of South African farm workers. For three and a half centuries farm workers constituted the most neglected group in the South African labour force. Consequently, an understanding of their present position can only be obtained by investigating their labour history. As in other parts of the world, farm workers in South Africa held a subordinate position to agricultural employers. Discrimination against black persons added to the inferior socio-economic and political position of South African farm workers. White farmers occupied a strong political position during most of the time under investigation, which enabled them to institute and apply discriminatory legislation and informal methods to overcome labour shortages. The freedom of movement of black people and their access to land were restricted to create a cheap immobile labour force. During the 20th century farmers prevented the inclusion of farm workers in labour legislation by exercising their political influence. Pressure by industrial trade unions and encouragement by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) resulted in the adoption of the Agricultural Labour Act which made labour legislation applicable to farm workers, but precluded them from striking and made allowance for longer working hours than for industrial workers. The new political dispensation facilitated the inclusion of farm workers in general labour legislation without any discriminatory exceptions and land reform legislation now protects farm workers against arbitrary evictions. A bill of rights furthermore guarantees the rights of farm workers which were previously violated. It would superficially seem that farm workers' problems are something of the past. Farm workers, however, remain handicapped in exercising their new rights by historical factors and circumstances peculiar to the agricultural sector. Legal comparison with Ontario and California confirms that legislation alone is insufficient to empower farm workers. It is recommended that the government amend existing legislation to accommodate the special needs of farm workers and that relevant ILO conventions, especially Convention 141 of 1975, be ratified to aid the development of unions for farm workers. This will contribute to the empowerment of and social justice for farm workers. / Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die arbeidsregtelike posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers te ondersoek. Plaaswerkers was vir drie en 'n half eeue die mees afgeskeepte groep in die Suid-Afrikaanse werksmag. Om die huidige posisie van plaaswerkers te begryp is dus slegs moontlik deur 'n bestudering van die regsgeskiedenis van plaaswerkers. Soos in ander werelddele beklee plaaswerkers in Suid-Afrika 'n minderwaardige posisie teenoor landbouwerkgewers. Diskriminasie teenoor swartpersonehet bygedra tot die sosio-ekonomiese en polities minderwaardige posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers. Blanke boere het gedurende die grootste deel van die tydperk onder bespreking 'n sterk politiese posisie beklee wat hulle in staat gestel het om diskriminerende wetgewing en informele metodes aan te wend om arbeidstekorte te bowe te kom. Swart persone se bewegingsvryheid en toegang tot grond is beperk om 'n goedkoop immobiele werksmag te vorm. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het boere se sterk politiese posisie hulle in staat gestel om te verhoed dat plaaswerkers by arbeidswetgewing ingesluit word. Druk deur industriele vakbonde en aanmoediging deur die Intemasionale Arbeidsorganisasie (IAO) het gelei tot die Wet op Landbou-arbeid waardeur arbeidswetgewing op plaaswerkers van toepassing gemaak is, maar wat plaaswerkers verbied het om te staak en wat voorsiening gemaak het vir langer werkure as vir industriele werkers. 'n Nuwe politieke bedeling het gelei tot die insluiting van plaaswerkers in algemene arbeidswetgewing sonder enige diskriminerende uitsonderings en grondhervormingswetgewing beskerm plaaswerkers nou teen arbitrere uitsettings. 'n Handves van menseregte waarborg verder die regte van plaaswerkers wat voorheen misken is. Oenskynlik is die probleme van plaaswerkers nou iets van die verlede. Plaaswerkers word egter steeds in die uitoefening van hulle nuwe regte gestrem deur historiese faktore en die eiesoortige omstandighede van die landbousektor. Regsvergelyking met Kalifomie en Ontario het aangetoon <lat wetgewing alleen nie voldoende is om plaaswerkers te bemagtig nie. Daar word aanbeveel dat die regering bestaande wetgewing wysig om voorsiening te maak vir die spesiale behoeftes van plaaswerkers en dat relevante IA0 konvensies, veral Konvensie 141 van 197 5 geratifiseer word om die ontwikkeling van vakbonde vir plaaswerkers te bevorder. Dit sal bydra tot die bemagtiging van en tot sosiale geregtigheid vir plaaswerkers / Law / LL.D.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Rotter’s (1966) locus of control (LOC) is, fundamentally, a theory pertaining to individuals’ perceptions of personal control and their appraisal of the contingency of reinforcements in life. An individual may feel as though he/ she has either no control (external LOC) or ample control (internal LOC) over reinforcements. Due to its expediency, the locus of control construct has garnered much attention since it was first introduced to academia in the late 1960s. While originally positioned within Social Learning Theory, the notion of loci of control has since been appropriated into academic fields such as Medicine and Sociology. This particular study now brings the theory of LOC into the realm of Political Science. Employing World Values Survey (WVS) data collected over three time points (1995, 2001, and 2006) in South Africa; this longitudinal study establishes whether or not self-reported class and/ or race influence LOC by measuring the relationship between these three variables. The extent to which any relationships may be significant is also examined. The data analyses showed that the LOC of South Africans has steadily increased (become more internalised) from 1995 to 2006, and that a significant interaction effect occurs between race and class on LOC in South Africa. It was likewise discovered that class and LOC were highly correlated with each other – the self-reported Lower Class had a notably lower LOC compared to the relatively high LOC of the self-reported Upper Class. It is suggested that improved education levels and social security benefits may have a role in improving individuals’ LOC, especially in the South African context. The results of this study uncover future research avenues into class analyses, particularly studies that seek to understand the psychological dimensions of self-reported class or the psychological antecedents of class mobility. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Rotter (1966) se lokus van beheer (LVB) is, fundamenteel, ‘n teorie wat betrekking het tot individueë se persepsies van persoonlike beheer en die waarde wat hul heg aan gebeurlikhede waar versterkings hul voordoen in hul lewens. ‘n Individu mag voel asof hy/sy geen beheer het nie (eksterne LVB) of genoegsame beheer het (interne LVB) oor versterkings. As gevolg van die bruikbaarheid van die term, geniet die lokus van beheer toenemend aandag sedert die bekendstelling daarvan aan academici in die laat 1960s. Die term was aanvanklik geposisioneer in Sosiale Leer Teorie, maar die idee van lokusse van beheer is ook later aangewend in Sosiologiese en Mediese studies. Hierdie studie bring nou die teorie van LVB na Politieke Wetenskap. World Values Study (WVS) data wat versamel is tydens drie opeenvolgende jare (1995, 2001 en 2006) in Suid-Afrika is aangewend as deel van hierdie longitudinale studie om te bepaal of self-geidentifiseerde klas en/of ras ‘n impak het op LVB. Die verhoudinge van hierdie drie veranderlikes, sowel as die beduidendheid van hierdie verhoudings, is ondersoek. Die data analise toon dat die LVB van Suid-Afrikaners bestendig vermeerder het (meer geinternaliseer het) vanaf 1995 tot en met 2006, en dat ‘n noemenswaardige interaksie effek voorkom tussen ras en klas en hul impak op LVB in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval. Daar is eweneens gevind dat klas en LVB hoogs gekorrileerd is vir die aangeduide periode – die self-geidentifiseerde Laer Klas het merkbaar laer LVB in vergelyking met die relatiewe hoë LVB van die self-geidentifiseerde Hoër Klas. Dit word voorgestel dat verbeterde opvoeding vlakke en welsyns voordele ‘n rol speel in die verbetering van individueë se LVB, veral in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Die bevinding van hierdie studie kan gebruik word om toekomstige navorsing met betrekking tot klasverskille te begrond, vernaam studies wat sielkundige dimensies van self-geidentifiseerde klasgroep of die sielkundige bepalers van klas mobiliteit ondersoek.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Identity has been a contentious issue in South Africa for many years. This created many problems including, among others, discrimination against people on the basis of race and gender. When the new government came to power in 1994, it promised to make valuable changes, and hence programmes such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment were introduced. This study investigates perceptions of students at Stellenbosch University (US) towards identity politics of race and gender after 1994. The subject of investigation includes, inter alia, student accommodation, language of tuition, relationship between students, class participation, sexual harassment and politics (affirmative action and black economic empowerment). This research investigates the university's treatment of students and how students themselves treat each other. Information was collected through a survey using a questionnaire in four selected residences, viz. Concordia, Goldfields, Huis DeViIIiers and Lobelia. The findings of this study indicate that there still are some problems as far as identity politics of race and gender at the US are concerned. For example, this study came to the following conclusions: • The majority of students from the three racial groups who participated in this study have a perception that racial divisions still exist at the US in three areas (classroom, residences and the student centre). The perception is these divisions are caused by the fact that students come from different cultural backgrounds. Language differences also play a role in this respect; • The majority of students also have a perception that black students are less likely to speak in class because they feel intimidated; • The majority of black and coloured students support the ANC (African National Congress), while the majority of white students support the DA (Democratic Alliance). Although this is the case, this research also finds that many students at the US do not want to indicate their political support; • Black and coloured students are positive about the role of Affirmative Action (AA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), whereas white students have a different view; • Women students at the US have a perception that South Africa is still confronted by a problem of gender inequality; • The majority of students have a perception that white men are the worst affected group by AA and BEE; • Most students, regardless of their race or gender, feel protected at the US. There is a perception that there is no gender discrimination by their lecturers; • Men and women students view sexual harassment differently; for example, women students view sexist jokes and wolf-whistling as constituting sexual harassment while men students have a different view. They all have perception that women students are the one who experience more of these forms of sexual harassment than their male counterparts do. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Identiteit is reeds vir baie jare in Suid-Afrika 'n omstrede kwessie. Dit het baie probleme veroorsaak, waaronder, diskriminasie teen mense gegrond op ras en geslag. Tydens die totstandkoming van die nuwe regering in 1994, is beloftes gemaak om veranderinge teweeg te bring. Gevolglik is programme soos regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging ingestel. Hierdie studie ondersoek die persepsie van studente, verbonde aan die universiteit van Stellenbosch (US), jeens die identiteitspolitiek van ras en geslag na 1994. Die onderwerp van die studie sluit ondermeer die volgende in: studente-akkommodasie, die onderrigstaal, die verhouding tussen studente, klasdeelname, seksuele teistering en politiek (regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging). Dit ondersoek die universiteit se hantering van studente en die behandeling van studente se optrede teenoor mekaar. Die inligting is ingesamel deur 'n meningspeiling verkry deur die verspreiding van vraelyste in vier geselekteerde koshuise, naamlik Concordia, Goldfields, Huis de Villiers en Lobelia. Die bevindinge van die studie toon dat daar steeds baie probleme bestaan wat betref die politieke identiteit van ras en geslag aan die US. Die studie het byvoorbeeld tot die volgende gevolgtrekkings gekom: • Die meerderheid van studente, uit drie rassegroepe, wat aan die studie deelgeneem het, het die persepsie dat rasse-verdeeldheid steeds in drie areas voorkom (die klaskamer, koshuise en die studente sentrum). Die persepsie word voorgehou, onder andere, dat die verdeeldheid versoorsaak word deur die feit dat studente van verskillende kulture afkomstig is, asook dat taalverskille 'n rol speel. • Die meerderheid studente het ook die persepsie dat swart studente neig om minder te praat in die klas omdat hulle geïntimideerd voel. • Die meerderheid swart en bruin studente steun die ANC (African National Congress), terwyl die meerderheid wit studente die DA (Demokratiese Alliansie) steun. Hoewel dit die geval blyk te wees, het die studie ook gevind dat baie studente aan die US nie hulle politieke steun bekend wil maak nie. • Swart en bruin studente is positief oor die rol van regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging, teenoor wit studente wat 'n ander uitkyk hierop het. • Vroue studente aan die US het die persepsie dat Suid-Afrika steeds gekonfronteer word met die probleem van geslagsongelykheid. • Die meerderheid studente het die persepsie dat wit mans die ergste geraak word deur regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging. • Meeste studente, ongeag hul ras of geslag, voel beskermd by die US. Die persepsie bestaan dat geen geslagdiskriminasie deur lektore toegepas word nie. • Mans- en vroue-studente sien seksuele teistering verskillend. Vroue-studente, byvoorbeeld, sien seksistiese grappe en wolwefluite as seksuele teistering, teenoor mansstudente wat dit nie so sien nie. Almal het wel die persepsie dat vrouestudente meer geraak word deur seksuele teistering as hulle manlike eweknieë.