The purpose of this study is to explore Black Canadian English language learning students’ acquisition and use of Black Stylised English. I will be looking at the use of Black Stylised English with respect to these students’ experiences of racial microaggressions, defined as everyday subtle acts of racism. This study poses the question: How does experiencing racial microaggression impact Black Canadian ELL students’ acquisition of Black English as a second language? This study was conducted in 2015 and draws on Critical Race Theory methodology with a focus on storytelling and counter-storytelling as a means to disrupt the dominant narrative. The participants were Black Canadian ELL students from immigrant families living in a metropolitan city in Northeastern Ontario attending after-school programs. A purposefully selected sample of 24 students who self-identified as Black and four support workers were examined. Data for this study was collected at three different after-school program sites. The first after-school program was located in a suburb at a seniors’ residence where students volunteered. The second after-school program was located in the downtown area and catered to newly arrived immigrants. The third site was located in the west end of the city and focused on the academic success of students from low-income families. The study found the following: first, all participants had experienced racial microaggressions. Second, there are similarities and differences in the participants’ experiences depending on the context. Third, experiencing racial microaggressions had an emotional effect on participants. Fourth, most participants did not know how to respond directly to racial microaggressions. Fifth, although they did not know how to respond to racial microaggressions, the boy participants used Black Stylized English as a defence mechanism to cope with the racial microaggressions. The girl participants acquired and used BSE to fit-in with other Black girls. In response to racial microaggressions the girl participants focused on losing their accents in order fit-in with their racialized White counterparts. Sixth, after-school programs operate on the basis of the authorized multicultural discourse.

Equality in educational access has long been an area of concern for U.S. educators, policy makers, and advocates. Congress issued a mandate in 1969 to identify the needs of gifted students and to ensure that those needs were being met. However, the needs of gifted minority students were not specifically addressed. Little is known about how African American mothers are affected by the demands of raising and advocating for their gifted child. The purpose of this hermeneutic phenomenological qualitative inquiry was to explore the lived experiences of African American mothers raising gifted children. The theory of womanism was used to explore the experiential anecdotes offered by the participants and to guide in analysis of developing themes. In addition, critical race theory was used to further examine the narratives offered by the participant mothers. Nine African American mothers whose children were identified as academically and intellectually gifted participated in interviews; analysis of data included use of the hermeneutic circle and resulted in the identification of 4 essential themes and 8 subthemes. Subthemes, that seemed particularly meaningful to participants, included othermothering, exasperation, resilience, and the Black male experience. Findings highlight the mothers'€™ resilience when dealing with instances of microaggressions and microinsults. Additionally, findings elucidated their desire to see every child succeed through othermothering behaviors. Implications for positive social change include contributing to the body of knowledge regarding the needs and challenges affecting African American mothers raising gifted children.

Student conduct plays an integral role in the functioning of an institution and the moral development of students. As multiple models of student conduct exist, such as the Model Student Conduct Code or a Restorative Justice Approach, it is critical to have an understanding of the various structures and how to choose the most effective structure for addressing the diversifying needs of the campus community. Most college and university campuses use the Model Student Conduct Code (Dannells, 1997) which tends to place a heavy emphasis on authority and is more legalistic which creates an “adversarial environment” (Lowery & Dannells, 2004) on college and university campuses. It can be argued that the traditional student conduct code does not make space for individuals to engage in dialogue and for learning to take place. The focus of this dissertation is to understand the experiences of facilitators as they develop, implement, and use restorative justice models on college and university campuses, which provide a guiding framework for dialogue between victims/harmed parties and offenders/respondents and may be better suited as a means of managing bias and hate-motivated incidents. Restorative practices have been implemented in criminal justice, and K-12 environments and are seen by some as an antidote to overly legalistic campus conduct processes (Karp, 2004). This phenomenological research explores the experiences of individuals who have facilitated a campus-based restorative process and how that experience may impact their view of and the opportunities to improve campus climate through the lens of Critical Race Theory and Models of Moral development. Through this study, conduct and other campus administrators can gain valuable information on how restorative processes are developed, how facilitators gained and maintained institutional support, and how successful facilitators find the process in meeting their goals of student learning. Campus administrators will also gain insight on the perceived effectiveness of restorative practices as a tool for managing incidents of bias and the perception of the campus climate.

Undocumented, unafraid, and unapologetic is how our students should be able to communicate to us; yet this is not the reality for many. There are an estimated 65,000 undocumented students who graduate from high schools every year in the United States, and another 7,000 to 13,000 enrolled in colleges and universities. As of September 2017, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program has granted about 800,000 individuals deferment from deportation. DREAMers are those brought to this country, are out of status, and likely also qualify for the DREAM Act if it were passed. Many undocumented students in general are prone to experiencing stress that exists as a result of their immigration status. Fear and concerns about physical safety cause many students to keep their status a secret from peers, school personnel, and even close friends. Their fears are rooted in a system that separates families, imprisons migrants without due process, and incites violence against those who are undocumented or are perceived to be, in this country. Thus, navigating life in the shadows for them is understandable; but doing so also comes with real consequences, negatively impacting them academically, socially, and psychologically. The purpose of this study is to seek to understand the experiences of Latinx undocumented college students in the current political climate and under the current administration in terms of how their student experiences and overall wellness as Latinx undocumented students are being impacted. The study was guided by several questions: a) How do Latinx undocumented students talk about their experiences on the college campus? b) How do Latinx undocumented students perceive how the institution responds to issues they face due to their undocumented status? c) What incidents in particular have most impacted them as college students? And, d) How do students describe their own sense of efficacy and self-care as they navigate college within this current climate? Through the lens of Latino/a Critical Race Theory and semi-structured interviews with college students in New England and California, coupled with reflections from field experiences, analysis of multiple forms of data, and the researcher’s personal connections to immigration via family history—findings of this study illuminate the lived experiences, challenges, and trauma faced by these students within the ongoing political divisiveness around matters of immigration. It is important that we as higher education and student affairs personnel understand the lived experiences of these students so that we can more compassionately and competently serve the community while also enabling their success and wellness. It is intended that the findings from this study will illuminate the experiences of undocumented students and provide new ways to support and guide these students.

School-Wide Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (SWPBIS) is a school disciplinary framework seen as an effective tool to replace school disciplinary practices that contribute to the school to prison pipeline (STPP). While evidence suggests that SWPBIS can help improve school discipline and lower suspension/expulsion rates, it has not been shown to consistently decrease racial disciplinary disparities. This study thematically analyzed semi-structured interviews of educational staff at one high school at the outset of SWPBIS implementation to understand their perceptions of school discipline and the potential for SWPBIS to address root causes of racial disciplinary disproportionality. Using a critical race theory analytical lens to center issues of race and racism, the findings revealed a school that is deeply structured in Whiteness. Participants described the school as “two schools in one”—one that is largely White, affluent, and high-achieving and another that is predominantly Black, economically disadvantaged, and achieving at lower levels. Educators were open to key elements of SWPBIS, such as positive discipline and school-wide consistency in disciplinary practices. And while many participants identified systemic barriers to achieving equity, they simultaneously relied on discursive strategies that upheld Whiteness. These findings suggest that SWPBIS has the potential to be an alternative to punitive school discipline, but faces multiple barriers in addressing disciplinary disproportionality. The segregated and stratified school structure raises questions about whom SWPBIS is for and who will bear the burden of implementation.

This study includes the experiences of six first-generation Latinx alumnae who attended three private, predominantly-White universities in Southern California. It applied a critical race theory (CRT) framework and an anti-deficit ideology to their experiences. Importantly, because the participants and the researcher are of different identities, the study employed principles of culturally responsive methodologies (CRM). Most quantitative research and existent theory concerning first-generation Latinx collegiate women excludes the voices of first-generation Latinx alumnae, so this study included the telling of their counter-stories concerning their undergraduate experiences. These experiences included identity-threat, microaggressions, and the enactment of White privilege. Additionally, their counter-stories contradict majoritarian stories concerning first-generation students and their families, as well as institutional values of fairness, meritocracy, colorblindness, and diversity. The methodology of the study was CRT counter-storytelling. Concepts of narrative inquiry informed the research design. Counter-stories of the participants were shared during conversations and interviews, then interpreted using the framework of CRT and a method of thematic analysis. All members of the study have graduated with a bachelor’s degree, and their experiences provide direction for additional research concerning first-generation theory as it applies to Latinx collegiate women, as well as implications for policy and praxis regarding the future experiences of Latinx students on U.S. higher education campuses.

As the student population in public schools throughout the United States continues to increase in ethnic diversity, the number of college students of color majoring in teacher education have remained stagnant. The local problem addressed in the study is that despite intentional recruitment efforts, college students of color are not majoring in teacher education at a university in Ohio. Bell's critical race theory was used throughout this basic qualitative study to explore what issues influence students of color to choose majors other than teacher education. Individual student interviews with 8 students of color were conducted to answer the research question regarding issues that have influenced students of color to choose majors other than teacher education at one university in Ohio. Transcripts from interview sessions were coded and analyzed to identify emerging patterns and themes. Member checks were used for accuracy in analysis, and maximum variation, with participants from 7 different majors, served to enhance credibility. At the local setting, the implications for positive social change may include bringing awareness to issues that students of color have encountered while enrolled at the study site. A broader implication for social change may be that institutions of higher education with similar demographics could benefit from the results of this study to address similar issues regarding students of color not choosing teacher education programs.

This paper takes a cultural materialist approach in analyzing the hegemonic purpose of using Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird in American education. Ideas from critical race theory and Lee’s second novel, Go Set a Watchman, are used to reveal obfuscated aspects of Mockingbird’s narrative. These aspects have been repurposed to fit a Eurocentric palate, and have let the book achieve success under the guise of being a progressive and multiculturalist work. Mockingbird’s narration, marked by childlike innocence, has been used to obfuscate Eurocentric ignorance of racial and economic inequality. The text has also been used to divert blame from those in power onto those oppressed by a hegemonic system. Racism is in Mockingbird inaccurately described as an individual moral issue, rather than a system of discrimination which is deeply ingrained in every aspect of U.S. society. The liberal moderate ideology which informs Atticus character has historically been ignored due to his unquestionable, near-mythical position as a moral role model. The paper finds that Mockingbird has been used as part of a greater Eurocentric narrative which positions the Civil Rights Movement as a white movement of moral improvement.

This study is the first to analyze news coverage of a hegemonic struggle over a crisis that threatened to close a Southern safety net hospital. Such closure could have left indigent, African American men and women without health care access. The study utilizes critical discourse analysis to focus on news portrayals of patients and the struggle over whether the hospital would continue to be governed by a majority-Black, public board of directors or a nonprofit, private board recommended by a majority-White civic group. Results indicate that newspaper coverage privileged the elite, White view, while stereotypically representing indigent, Black patients as problematic. Coverage legitimized privatizing the hospital’s board through a neoliberal discourse that also portrayed its majority-Black board as incompetent.

This dissertation examines the rhetorical strategy by which groups unite against common enemies as it appears in a series of judicial cases between 1878 and 1952 deciding whether petitioners for naturalization in the United States were "free white persons" as required by the United States naturalization act at the time. Beginning in 1870, the naturalization act limited racial eligibility for naturalization to "free white persons" and "aliens of African nativity and persons of African descent." Based on the conclusion that Asians were neither "white" nor African, many courts interpreted these provisions to reflect a policy of Asian exclusion. As the distinction between "white" and Asian became increasingly disputed, however, the racial eligibility requirements of the act raised difficult questions about the boundaries of whiteness. I examine the rhetorical strategies adopted in a series of these cases between World War I and the early cold war involving Asian Indian, Armenian, Kalmyk, and Tatar petitioners who were represented as political or religious refugees at risk of becoming stateless if they were denied racial eligibility for naturalization in the United States. I argue that by representing the petitioners in the cases as victims of persecution by the nation's adversaries, the cases reflect a rhetorical strategy of uniting against common enemies which is also prevalent in the legislative, executive, and judicial discourse surrounding the act. I argue that the prevalence of this rhetorical strategy in racial prerequisite discourse suggests that a martial ideal of citizenship often influenced racial classifications under the act and that by recognizing the ways in which this discourse adapted to the rapidly changing enmities of the early twentieth century, a rhetorical interpretation of the cases offers advantages over other interpretive approaches and highlights the value of a rhetoric of law. / text