This study analyses and evaluates the role of SACOS in South African sport between 1982 and 1992. This analysis reveals that SACOS was marginalised by 1992. Whilst its role is discussed, this study sets out to explain how and why SACOS was marginalised. How did it come about that the vanguard of the sport struggle found itself in this position in 1992? The role of SACOS and its subsequent marginalisation is explained through the discussion of: 1) the prevailing political conditions in South Africa between 1982 and 1992; 2) the prevailing conditions of South African sport between 1982 and 1992; and 3) the position SACOS occupied in South African sport between 1982 and 1992. This study offers a broad historical overview of South African sport before 1982 and the development of SACOS. The purpose of this broad historical overview was to demonstrate that SACOS was a major factor in SA sport before 1992 and to highlight the role it played. The structure, policies, membership and leadership of SACOS were discussed to gain an understanding of the nature of the organisation and the people who drove it. Thereafter the actions and influences of various role players were discussed and the effects of these influences on SACOS. [The major role players identified in this study were the SA government, the international sporting community, SANROC led by Sam Ramsamy, establishment sport, the NSC, the broader liberation movements and big business.] This was followed by a discussion in which SACOS, its policies and its philosophy, was evaluated against the actions of the various role players and the changing political environment. The relationship SACOS had with various role players is described to illustrate how it came to occupy the peripheral position from which it had no influence. The central question that was addressed was whether or not SACOS, through its policies, contrived to marginalise itself. The study reveals that SACOS was in no position to determine the agenda for SA sport, that its principled stance stood no chance in the pragmatic politics of the day and that its marginalisation was effected more by external factors than its hard line policies. / Prof. G. Verhoef

Race is a source of trauma that may result in a wide range of mental and physical health consequences (Pieterse, Todd, Neville, & Carter, 2012). In Chapter 1, I conduct a systematic review of research on race-based traumatic stress. Although studies have documented the link between perceived discrimination and race-based traumatic stress, there is a need to explore factors that can amplify or buffer this relationship. Thus, in Chapter 2, I examine three theorized moderators of the relationship between racial discrimination and race-based traumatic stress: cyberracism, racial/ethnic identity, and trait forgivingness. Data was collected from a sample of 397 African American community-based participants using Mechanical Turk. Results from the study revealed that perceptions of racism were significant and positively correlated to race-based traumatic stress symptoms (r = .62, p < .01). As predicted, cyberracism strengthened this relationship. Forgivingness buffered this relationship. Against my prediction, regardless of level of racial/ethnic identity, there was a similar association between perceived racial discrimination and race-based traumatic stress. I discuss implications for future research. I also discuss practical implications for practitioners, especially regarding habits of engaging social media during periods of intensified racial conflict on social media.

This diploma thesis is focused on selected psychological aspects of racism. In the introduction, I define basic concepts of the problem and I present wider context of psychology of racism. The main focus of the thesis is put on psychological forms of racism, racist attitudes, stereotypes and prejudices and their measurement. An important part also deals with psychological roots of racism and psychological theories that explain racism. The next chapter is focused on the specifics of adolescence in the context of racism. The research part is an explicit and implicit measurement of the attitudes of adolescents towards ethnic or national minorities that play animportan role in the Czech Republic. 404 high school students participated in the research. In addition to the results of the individual parts of the research, it is also beneficial the correlation of the methods and the comparison with the previous studies, which indicates the complexity of the problem.

Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.

In Chile’s neoliberal economy, large-scale timber plantations controlled by national and multinational forest corporations have expanded significantly on traditional indigenous territories. Chile’s forestry sector began to expand rapidly in 1974, the year following the military coup, owing to the privatization of forest lands and the passing of Decree 701. That law continues to provide large subsidies for afforestation, as well as tax exemptions for plantations established after 1974. As a consequence, conflicts have developed between indigenous communities and forestry companies, with the latter actively supported by government policies. The Mapuche people, the largest indigenous group in Chile, have been demanding the right to control their own resources. Meanwhile, they have been bearing the physical and social costs of the forestry sector’s growth. Since democracy returned to Chile in 1990, governments have done little to strengthen the rights of indigenous peoples. Government policy in this area is ill-defined; it consists mainly of occasional land restitution and monetary compensation when conflicts with the Mapuche threaten to overheat. This, however, is coupled with heavy-handed actions by the police and the legal system against Mapuche individuals and groups. From a political ecology perspective, this thesis examines how indigenous communities resort to various political strategies to accommodate, resist, and/or negotiate as political-economic processes change, and how these responses in turn shape natural resource management and, it follows, the local environment. My findings are that the environmental and social impacts associated with landscape transformation are shaped not only by structural changes brought about by economic and political forces but also, simultaneously, by smaller acts of political, cultural, and symbolic protest. Emerging forms of political agency are having expected and unexpected consequences that are giving rise to new processes of environmental change. Evidence for my argument is provided by a case study that focuses on the political strategies followed by the Mapuche movement. I analyze the obstacles that are preventing the Chilean government from addressing more effectively the social, economic, and cultural needs of indigenous peoples through resource management policies. Government policies toward the Mapuche have not encompassed various approaches that might facilitate conflict resolution, such as effective participation in land use plans, natural resource management, the protection of the cultural rights of indigenous communities, and the Mapuche people’s right to their own approaches to development. Employing Foucault’s notion of governmentality, I argue that, while the Mapuche have widely contested the state’s neoliberal policies, they have nevertheless been drawn into governing strategies that are fundamentally neoliberal in character. These strategies have reconfigured their relationship with the state, NGOs, and foreign aid donors. Operating at both formal and informal levels of social and political interaction, this new mentality of government employs coercive and co-optive measures to cultivate Mapuche participation in the neoliberal modernization project, while continuing to neglect long-standing relations of inequality and injustice that underpin conflicts over land and resources. / Science, Faculty of / Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for / Graduate

My dissertation is motivated by two general problems within contemporary North American racial politics. First, the increasing ideological impetus of a “post-racist” society contradicts a spate of events that are symptomatic and constitutive of racial and ethnic essentialisms. Second, the logic of multiculturalism and antiracism has often been expressed in a language of race and identity rooted in a rigid system of immutable differences (Hall, 1997; Ang, 2001). The challenge is to deconstruct race and ethnicity in a language that is critical of new racisms as well as the ways in which racial and ethnic difference is seized and diffused by market multiculturalism. While some theorists have used elements of postmodern theory to develop a “resistance multiculturalism” sensitive to shifting social meanings and floating racial signifiers (see McLaren, 1994), they have rarely explored the political possibilities of “ludic postmodernism” (parody, pastiche, irony) as a critical response to multicultural ideologies. If part of postmodernism as an intellectual movement includes self-reflexivity, self-parody, and the rejection of a foundational “truth,” for example, the various racial and ethnic categories reified under multiculturalism are perhaps open to revision and contestation (Hutcheon, 1989). To develop this particular postmodern critique of multiculturalism, I draw on three case studies concerned with identity and representation in North American popular media. The first case considers vocal impersonation as a disruption to the visual primacy of race by examining the stand-up comedy films of Dave Chappelle, Russell Peters, and Margaret Cho. The second case turns to the postmodern bodies of cyborgs and humanoid robots in the science fiction film I, Robot (2004) as a racial metaphor at the crossroads of whiteness, inhumanity, and redemption. The final case discusses the politics of irony in relation to ethnolinguistic identity and debates surrounding sports mascots. Each case study recycles racial and ethnic stereotypes for a variety of political purposes, drawing out the connections and tensions between postmodernism and multiculturalism. A postmodern critique of multiculturalism may offer antiracist politics an understanding of race and ethnicity rooted in a strategic indeterminacy, which allows for multidimensional political coalitions directed against wider socioeconomic inequalities. / Education, Faculty of / Kinesiology, School of / Graduate

In asking about the experiences of professors embodying and enacting tools of critical pedagogy, this thesis seeks to explore strategies of resistance to the hegemony of neoliberalism in the Academy. This research focuses on the Canadian university as characterized by neoliberal logic and the hierarchical practices of capitalism, patriarchy, and colonialism. By exploring the themes of neoliberalism, violence, tension, critical pedagogy, and anti-oppression, that are in turn rooted in personal testimony and lived experience of educators, this study seeks to challenge normative systems of knowledge production to expand and explore subjugated knowledges. What is at stake is developing strategies that may be cultivated and documented as critical pedagogical tools that work toward collective imaginings of resistance.

"The Erasure of the Essential Afro Element of Mestizaje in Modern Mexico: The Coding of Visibly Black Mestizos According to a White Aesthetic In and Through the Discourse on Nation During the Cultural Phase of the Mexican Revolution, 1920-1968" examines how the Afro elements of Mexican mestizaje were erased from the ideal image of the Mexican mestizo and how the Afro ethnic contributions were plagiarized in modern Mexico. It explores part of the discourse on nation in the narrative produced by authors who subscribed to the belief that only white was beautiful, between 1920 and 1968, during a period herein identified as the "cultural phase of the Mexican Revolution." It looks at the coding and distortion of the image of visibly black Mexicans in and through literature and film, and unveils how the Afro element "disappeared" from some of the most popular images, tastes in music, dance, song, food, and speech forms viewed as cultural texts that, by way of official intervention, were made "badges" of Mexican national identity. The premise of this study is that the criollo elite and their allies, through government, disenfranchised Mexicans as a whole by institutionalizing a magic mirror—materialized in the narrative of nation—where mestizos can "see" only a partial reflection of themselves. The black African characteristics of Mexican mestizaje were totally removed from the ideal image of "Mexican-ness"1 disseminated in and out of the country. During this period, and in the material selected for study, wherever Afro-Mexicans—visibly Afro or not—are mentioned, they appear as "mestizos" oblivious of their African heritage and willingly moving toward becoming white. The analysis adopts as critical foundation two essays: "Black Phobia and the White Aesthetic in Spanish American Literature," by Richard L. Jackson; and "Mass Visual Productions," by James Snead. In "Black Phobia..." Jackson explains that, to define "superior and inferior as well as the concept of beauty" according to how white a person is perceived to be, is a "tradition dramatized in Hispanic Literature from Lope de Rueda's Eufemia (1576) to the present" (467). For Snead, "the coding of blacks in film, as in the wider society, involves a history of images and signs associating black skin color with servile behavior and marginal status" (142). / Arts, Faculty of / French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of / Graduate

The purpose of our study is to investigate the afroswedish women and their experiences with racism within the media industry. Through previous research, theories and real life stories that afroswedish women, who worked or works within this branch, have attempted to acquire insight of the phenomenon (everyday) racism and how it comes to expression according to the perspective of black women in Sweden. The documented experiences have shown to be a process that constantly occurs, consciously and subconsciously, in the life of black people in Sweden based on privileges. These privileges derive from postcolonialism and have their origin in the white superiority performed against others. This study has demonstrated the afroswedish women working place and its environment, where both positive and negative experiences, always indicated a basis in racism. The result has been discussed with support from previous research and our carefully chosen theories - intersectionality and anti black racism. In our final discussion, we have gathered all data to subsequently highlight our participants' experiences which has shown that the influential media industry needs to continue working against racism.

The present study examined whether a relationship exists between level of rigidity and prejudicial attitudes and whether prejudiced attitudes could be modified as a function of exposure to a competent black model. It was predicted that individuals with a high level of rigidity would display more racial prejudice than low-rigid individuals and that individuals with a low level of rigidity would demonstrate less prejudice than high-rigid individuals after exposure to a competent model. After exposure to a competent model, a significant main effect for rigidity was found which indicated that low-rigid individuals became less prejudiced than high-rigid individuals,