MA (Xitsonga) / Eka Senthara ya M. E. R. Mathivha ya Tindzimita Xiafrika, Vutshila na Mfuwo / Tindzimi to hambanahambana ta misava ti tirhisa tindlela to hambana ku tihluvukisa hi tlhelo ra ntivomarito. Maendlelo yo tanihi khoyineji, ku lomba, ku vumba rivitinkatsano, nhlanganiso, mpfelelo na mavulwankatso, mbuyelelo swi na nkoka swinene eku vumbeni ka marito eka ririmi. Eka Xitsonga, a hi maendlelo hinkwawo lama kombisiweke laha henhla ya tirhisiwaka, kambe endlelo ra mbuyelelo ri tirha swinene. Valavisisi vo fana na Novotna (2000), Nintemann (2016), Lidz (2000), Kallotaj (2016), Stols (2008), Rubino (2005), Osam, Marfo na Agyekum (2013) Wanja (2014) na van’wana va endlile ndzavisiso hi mbuyelelo eka tindzimi to hambanahambana. Hambileswi endlelo leri ri tirhaka swinene, vulavisisi hi tlhelo ra endlelo leri bya kayivela swinene eka Xitsonga. Mbuyelelo hilaha xiphemu xo karhi xa rito kumbe rito hinkwaro ri vuyeleriwaka ku vumba rito rin’wana leri nga ta va na nhlamuselo yo hambana na loko rito kumbe xiphemu xa rito xi nga si vuyeleriwa. Xikongomelo xa ndzavisiso lowu i ku kambisisa hilaha mbuyelelo wu humelelaka hakona eka Xitsonga, ku kombisa na ku hlamusela swiphemu swa ririmi leswi khumbekaka eka mbuyelelo, ku ntlawahata mbuyelelo wa marito eka Xitsonga na ku kombisa nkoka wa mbuyelelo eka Xitsonga. Ndzavisiso lowu wu simekiwile ehenhla ka modele wa Marantz (1982) wa ku kopa na ku fambelanisa (Copy and Associate Model) lowu welaka eka thiyori ya Autosegmental ya 1982. Ndzavisiso lowu wu landzelela maendlelo ya nkoka ku karhi ku tirhisiwa maendlelo ya khopasi ku kuma mahungu. Mahungu ya tsavuriwa ku suka eka matsalwa yo hambanahambana ya Xitsonga. Mahungu ya aviwa hi tinxakakulu timbirhi ta mbuyelelo, ku nga, mbuyelelo wo hetiseka na mbuyelelo wa xiphemu. Marito lama ma tsariwa ku karhi ku khwatihatiwa swiphemu leswi nga vuyelela. Endzeni ka swiangi ku kombisiwa xihluvi xa mbulavulo laha rito ri welaka eka xona. Ehansi ka rito rin’wana na rin’wana ku hlamuseriwa leswi mbuyelelo wu humeleriseke xiswona. Mulavisisi u tlhela a languta nhlamuselo ya ritoxidzi (RX) ku nga si humelela mbuyelelo ku yi pimanisa na nhlamuselo ya rito leri endzhaku ka mbuyelelo (RM) ku vona loko ku vile na ku hundzuka ka tinhlamuselo. . / NRF

This dissertation is concerned with finite state machine-based technology for modeling natural language. Finite-state machines have proven to be efficient computational devices in modeling natural language phenomena in morphology and phonology. Because of their mathematical closure properties, finite-state machines can be manipulated and combined in many flexible ways that closely resemble formalisms used in different areas of linguistics to describe natural language. The use of finite-state transducers in constructing natural language parsers and generators has proven to be a versatile approach to describing phonological alternation, morphological constraints and morphotactics, and syntactic phenomena on the phrase level.The main contributions of this dissertation are the development of a new model of multitape automata, the development of a new logic formalism that can substitute for regular expressions in constructing complex automata, and adaptations of these techniques to solving classical construction problems relating to finite-state transducers, such as modeling reduplication and complex phonological replacement rules.The multitape model presented here goes hand-in-hand with the logic formalism, the latter being a necessary step to constructing the former. These multitape automata can then be used to create entire morphological and phonological grammars, and can also serve as a neutral intermediate tool to ease the construction of automata for other purposes.The construction of large-scale finite-state models for natural language grammars is a very delicate process. Making any solution practicable requires great care in the efficient implementation of low-level tasks such as converting regular expressions, logical statements, sets of constraints, and replacement rules to automata or finite transducers. To support the overall endeavor of showing the practicability of the logical and multitape extensions proposed in this thesis, a detailed treatment of efficient implementation of finite-state construction algorithms for natural language purposes is also presented.

The aim of this article is to deal with reduplication in Swahili. In phase I, we pay attention to the process of reduplication as such, i.e., we try to define this phenomenon and we determine the scope of our study. The core of phase II is constituted by the examination of formal properties of reduplication in Swahili. Phase III contains the investigation of the phenomenon in question from the functional perspective. In the next phase, we concentrate on the so-called `pseudoreduplication` since we are convinced that this feature of Swahili morphology is quite important in relation to reduplication. The last phase is devouted to the analysis of a set of concrete examples from a work of fiction which illustrates the issues discussed in previous phases. Although this study is intended to be an intralanguage one, we do not restrain omselves from occassional interlanguage comparisons since it is our belief that any contrastive comparison can contribute to a better understanding of the phenomenon concerned. The synchronic point of view is applied throughout the whole study.

This dissertation aims at constructing a description of reduplication in Old Chinese, developing a generative theory of morpho-phonological interaction to account for the formation of the reduplication patterns, and re-examining general reduplication theories and issues of other linguistic components by drawing lessons from Old Chinese reduplication. The investigation of the source data reveals that Old Chinese reduplication has four basic patterns: progressive reduplication with either "smallness" or "vividness", retrogressive pattern with "repetition", fission reduplication with "specialization", and total reduplication with a vivid impression (a parasitic sense). The formation of the reduplication patterns results from the interaction between morphology and phonology. With motivation from semantics, the monosyllabic base is reduplicated as two identical syllables, which undergo further modification. 1) Since the reduplicative form with "diminutive" or "vividness" is semantically undecomposable, OOP (One Syllable One Meaning Principle) forces the two syllables to sound like one, which is achieved by raising the sonority of the onset of the second syllable. As such, the progressive pattern arises. 2) For the same reason, the reduplicative form with "specialization" has the same shape as the progressive at one stage. Pressure from the system thus compels it to undergo further modification, eventually producing the fission pattern. 3) The reduplicative form with a vivid impression is not under the control of OOP; thus it can keep its two identical syllables intact, yielding total reduplication pattern. 4) Reduplicative verbs are semantically decomposable; thus OOP does not come into effect. That the form is actually modified stems from the pressure of an already-existent total reduplication pattern, while this modification of the first rhyme is determined by quasi-iambic stress. This interaction produces a retrogressive pattern. This study sheds light on reduplication processes in general and other linguistic issues. During reduplication, full reduplication occurs first; then the reduplicant is modified. That reduplication operates on the interface between morphology and phonology is a universal phenomenon, but how this operation proceeds is language-specific. The consistent distinction between Type A syllables and Type B syllables seen in Old Chinese reduplication patterns indicates the unreasonableness of reconstructing a "medial" yod for Old Chinese.

This study investigates the form and function of reduplication in nouns in Japanese. Three main areas were investigated: meaning, morphosyntactic behavior, and register. The study was conducted with informants participating in meetings which were audio recorded. The informants were asked to describe a number of reduplicated nouns belonging to three categories: concrete nouns, abstract nouns, and nouns relating to time. A number of pseudo forms were also included to see if similar patterns could be observed in nouns that did not belong to the regular lexicon. The results were analyzed for possible patterns relating to meaning, morphosyntactic behavior, and register across the three noun categories. Primarily two patterns were observed: 1. the reduplicated forms of concrete nouns tended to have a meaning of plurality and maintain their noun status, and 2. the reduplicated forms of nouns relating to time tended to acquire a sensation of extended time and frequency, and change word class into adverbs. These patterns were not observed as strongly among the pseudo forms. In addition to these patterns, other phenomena were observed among the reduplicated nouns that could not be categorized as belonging to specific patterns and should be investigated in further studies.

This dissertation aims at constructing a description of reduplication in Old Chinese, developing a generative theory of morpho-phonological interaction to account for the formation of the reduplication patterns, and re-examining general reduplication theories and issues of other linguistic components by drawing lessons from Old Chinese reduplication. The investigation of the source data reveals that Old Chinese reduplication has four basic patterns: progressive reduplication with either "smallness" or "vividness", retrogressive pattern with "repetition", fission reduplication with "specialization", and total reduplication with a vivid impression (a parasitic sense). The formation of the reduplication patterns results from the interaction between morphology and phonology. With motivation from semantics, the monosyllabic base is reduplicated as two identical syllables, which undergo further modification. 1) Since the reduplicative form with "diminutive" or "vividness" is semantically undecomposable, OOP (One Syllable One Meaning Principle) forces the two syllables to sound like one, which is achieved by raising the sonority of the onset of the second syllable. As such, the progressive pattern arises. 2) For the same reason, the reduplicative form with "specialization" has the same shape as the progressive at one stage. Pressure from the system thus compels it to undergo further modification, eventually producing the fission pattern. 3) The reduplicative form with a vivid impression is not under the control of OOP; thus it can keep its two identical syllables intact, yielding total reduplication pattern. 4) Reduplicative verbs are semantically decomposable; thus OOP does not come into effect. That the form is actually modified stems from the pressure of an already-existent total reduplication pattern, while this modification of the first rhyme is determined by quasi-iambic stress. This interaction produces a retrogressive pattern. This study sheds light on reduplication processes in general and other linguistic issues. During reduplication, full reduplication occurs first; then the reduplicant is modified. That reduplication operates on the interface between morphology and phonology is a universal phenomenon, but how this operation proceeds is language-specific. The consistent distinction between Type A syllables and Type B syllables seen in Old Chinese reduplication patterns indicates the unreasonableness of reconstructing a "medial" yod for Old Chinese. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

The aim of this article is to deal with reduplication in Swahili. In phase I, we pay attention to the process of reduplication as such, i.e., we try to define this phenomenon and we determine the scope of our study. The core of phase II is constituted by the examination of formal properties of reduplication in Swahili. Phase III contains the investigation of the phenomenon in question from the functional perspective. In the next phase, we concentrate on the so-called `pseudoreduplication` since we are convinced that this feature of Swahili morphology is quite important in relation to reduplication. The last phase is devouted to the analysis of a set of concrete examples from a work of fiction which illustrates the issues discussed in previous phases. Although this study is intended to be an intralanguage one, we do not restrain omselves from occassional interlanguage comparisons since it is our belief that any contrastive comparison can contribute to a better understanding of the phenomenon concerned. The synchronic point of view is applied throughout the whole study.

Based on a contrastive and variationist approach, this research work sheds light on the study of the structure of the Noun Phrase in Cameroon Pidgin English in contrast with Standard British English. Among other relevant topics, the following aspects of the NP are considered: the system of pronouns, nominal anaphora, the system of articles, the deictic implementation, quantification, intensification and reduplication.

本計畫擬於優選理論 (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) 框架下，探討現代華語擬聲詞在音韻上的特點與表現，並分析優選理如何論操作單音節及雙音節輸入項所衍生出的雙音節擬聲詞，進而完全或部分重疊成三音節及四音節華語擬聲詞。擬聲詞為模仿自然界中的聲音形成的詞彙，但並非隨意衍生形成，仍然需要遵循語言的構詞及音韻規律，才能衍生成為合法詞彙並順暢地使用。在華語音韻研究方面，歷來學者對於擬聲詞的討論並不豐富詳盡，因此本碩士論文便嘗試探討華語雙音節、三音節及四音節擬聲詞在音韻分析中的樣貌。 重疊在漢語擬聲詞中為極為常見的現象。如現代華語中單音節的「咕」與雙音節的「咕咕」；雙音節的「滴答」與四音節的「滴滴答答」。故擬聲詞衍生中的重疊機制為本計畫中主要討論議題，此外由於華語擬聲詞結構在音段選擇中展現一致性，故另聚焦於固定音段， 如邊音/l/及前元音/i/在現代華語擬聲詞中高度頻繁地出現，我將對其起源提出假設並分析，如現代華語「劈哩啪啦」的/l/及/i/。而華語雙音節擬聲詞的來源二分為單音節輸入項及雙音節輸入項亦為討論對象。 最後預期華語擬聲詞大致符合現代華語成詞的語法，但進行重疊時與實詞相異，語意因素不會成為衍生動機；經由優選理論分析，從音韻結構角度切入，不僅可了解華語擬聲詞衍生的制約排序，亦更加了解其音韻構詞規範，且與實詞如形容詞進行重疊時的制約排序進行比較，說明華語擬聲詞在衍生過程中傾向遵循邊緣音韻規則，與其他實詞多依據核心音韻 規則的狀況大異其趣。以此為基石去了解其他漢語方言對於擬聲成詞的標準，甚或研究日語、韓語中豐富的擬聲詞，便能構擬出擬聲成詞更具體且具有說服力的語法規則。 / In this thesis, the generation of Modern Mandarin disyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic onomatopoeia under phonological viewpoint via Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) approach will be discussed. In my M.A. Thesis ‘An OT analysis of Mandarin Onomatopoeia’, four factors motivated this study. First, the different sources of Mandarin disyllabic onomatopoeia which I thought there are monosyllabic and disyllabic inputs aroused my interests. Second, there are some similarities of Mandarin onomatopoeia between Mandarin core lexicons. Third, the reduplication mechanism in Mandarin onomatopoeia will be taken as a main point in this study. For example, in Modern Mandarin ‘gu’ (Sound of bird sing once) will extend into ‘gugu’ (Sound of birdsong) under total reduplication. Finally, the issue concerning what will be the best choice when Mandarin onomatopoeia is reduplicated with fixed segmentism also plays an important role in this study. For instance, the /l/ and /i/ in Modern Mandarin’s ‘pilipala’ (Sound of many things falling). Onomatopoeias have their special function as sound-imitating icons. They are not the words which are formed by arbitrary but by the rules. They sometimes violate phonological structures of the language in which they occur; hence they belong to the peripheral phonology rather than core one. The Mandarin onomatopoeia is different from Mandarin content words; they are not motivated by semantic factors. So the Chinese onomatopoeia generation analysis via OT approach supplies not only the morpho-phonological constraints but also the comparison of peripheral words between content words. I would like to assume that the Mandarin onomatopoeia generation follows the peripheral phonological rules. This study will provide as a basement to study on other Chinese language’s onomatopoeia or even onomatopoeia in Tibetan, Japanese and Korean.

This dissertation examines multiple exponence (ME) phenomena in the non-inflectional morphology of three languages: Nuu-chah-nulth (Wakashan), Central Yup'ik (Eskimo), and Korean (language isolate or Altaic). These languages exhibit a common property: ME comprised of a non-inflectional suffix and one or more base modifications. The base modifications involve a vowel length change and reduplication in Nuu-chah-nulth, various types of deletion in Central Yup’ik, and vowel shortening in Korean. This dissertation pursues four research questions: (1) what criteria diagnose morphophonological alternations as ME and do the criteria apply to all cases of ME to the same degree? (2) Does derivational ME differ from inflectional ME? (3) Does one exponent play a more significant role in expressing semantic/syntactic information than another? (4) How is derivational ME formally accounted for? In pursuit of these research questions, this study proposes, based on Matthews’s (1972) study, four criteria to distinguish ME from other phonological alternations. Only the two criteria, Non-phonological condition and Consistent co-occurrence are obligatory; two others, Phonological Consistency and No exceptions on base selection, may be violated, suggesting that ME parameters occur along a continuum. This dissertation also proposes derivational classes according to patterns of base modification. Derivational classes play an important role in formulating Word Formation Rules (WFRs), in that they provide the morphological conditions for the structural description of base modification rules. Significantly, semantic/syntactic information is encoded in suffixation, capturing the fact that the large number of meanings that suffixes carry (approximately 500) cannot be mapped onto a limited number of base modifications (ranging from two to fourteen). The evidence that suffixes convey meaning supports the claim that ME requires two different types of WFR, a suffixation rule that conveys semantic/syntactic information, and base modification rules that do not. Also, this study suggests that suffixes are the main exponent of ME because they make the main contribution to the meanings conveyed through ME. This study contributes to a theory of morphology not only in that seemingly distinct processes receive a unified analysis as ME, but also in that the distinct processes are formally accounted for, expanding the WP approach to derivational morphology. / Graduate / 0290 / sung17hwa@gmail.com