The thesis deals with the personal stability of the Czech Parliament in the period after 1993 when the Czech Republic was founded. The author assumes a better orientation in both organizational and procedural issues of reelected representatives. The aim of this thesis is to explore what factors have influenced the rate of reelection of MPs and Senators and how these are subsequently reflected in the personal structure of both Chambers. Using a quantitative analysis, the author tests the hypothesis that the rate of reelection will be higher in the Senate due to the majority voting system which is more personalized than the proportional one used in the Chamber of Deputies. The hypothesis was tested in the Committees analogically. Furthermore, the author tests if the current level of voter turnout influences the final election results and the rate of reelection, respectively. The text is divided into three chapters. The thesis is composed of a common structure heading from a theoretical background towards empirical analysis.

The diploma thesis deals with the political strategy of the former Bolivian President Evo Morales (2006-2019). After successfully running in the 2005 presidential election, he became the first Bolivian president of Indian descent. Many authors believe that during the three election periods that Morales served in the country, there was a reversal in his political strategy, after he deviated from his original agenda of indigenous nature and began to pursue a tough extractivist policy focused on the development model of the state. The paper explores key concepts such as Indigenism, Indianism, and Katarismo and their development and influence in Bolivia. The work also tries to define the term developmentalism (development theory), which is of fundamental importance in the study of this issue. Closer attention is also paid to the personality of Evo Morales and his political activity. Based on both primary and secondary sources, we tried to define and explain the political turnaround that was to take place. The work deals with four key areas of Morales policy, the role of gas extraction, the president's relationship with exports, building infrastructure, and the autonomy of Native American movements. Based on the analysis of these areas, we examine whether there has been a political turnaround, which...

Au cours des 22 dernières années, lorsque les présidents latino-américains au pouvoir ont aspiré à se faire réélire, ils y sont toujours arrivés à moins que leur pays ne connaisse une débâcle économique. Entre 1994 et 2016, dans les 18 démocraties qui composent l’ensemble appelé « Amérique latine », il y a eu 21 tentatives de réélection présidentielle immédiate dont 20 furent couronnées de succès. La seule exception à cette tendance électorale s’est présentée en République Dominicaine en 2004, lorsque le président HIPÓLITO MEJÍA a perdu la réélection car son pays était plongé dans une profonde crise économique. L’interprétation de ces données indique que l’autorisation de la réélection présidentielle consécutive a annulé dans la région la compétitivité électorale, qui est une des conditions fondamentales pour que la démocratie puisse exister. La principale cause de ce phénomène antidémocratique est l’abus du pouvoir présidentiel à des fins électorales, qui fait du chef d’État qui aspire à être réélu un candidat invincible à cause des ressources exorbitantes dont il dispose pour manipuler le résultat des élections. On peut en outre constater une corrélation entre autorisation de la réélection présidentielle immédiate et détérioration progressive de la qualité de la démocratie au cours des deuxièmes et troisièmes mandats du même président, selon le « Electoral Democracy Index ». En définitive, la réélection présidentielle immédiate en Amérique Latine constitue un poison pour la démocratie qu’il convient de proscrire de manière renforcée dans les textes constitutionnels, par le biais de clauses immuables qui puissent garantir l’alternance dans l’exercice du pouvoir présidentiel. / In the last 22 years, whenever Latin American presidents in office sought reelection they always achieved it save in cases of national economic collapse. Between 1994 and 2016, in the 18 democracies that make up the cluster denominated “Latin America”, 21 immediate presidential reelections were attempted out of which 20 resulted in success. The only exception to this electoral pattern took place in Dominican Republic, when in 2004 president HIPÓLITO MEJÍA lost his reelection amidst a profound economic crisis. The interpretation of this data indicates that the exercise of consecutive presidential reelections in the region has ruined electoral competitiveness, which is one of the basic preconditions for the existence of democracy. The chief cause of this antidemocratic phenomenon is the abuse of presidential power for electoral gain, which turns the head of State seeking reelection into an invincible candidate because of the exorbitant amount of resources that he has at his disposal to manipulate electoral results. There is also a correlation between the exercise of immediate presidential reelections and the progressive deterioration of democratic quality during the second and third terms of reelected presidents, as noted by the “Electoral Democracy Index”. In sum, the practice of consecutive presidential reelection in Latin America is a poison for democracy that is advisable to proscribe in a reinforced manner in constitutional texts, by means of eternity clauses that guarantee alternation in the exercise of presidential power.

Submitted by Rebeca Regatieri (rereregatieri@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-07-30T19:57:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Regatieri.pdf: 719656 bytes, checksum: 32bbeaea4a6587d7fc138ae31c74262d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2013-07-30T20:00:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Regatieri.pdf: 719656 bytes, checksum: 32bbeaea4a6587d7fc138ae31c74262d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-07-30T20:00:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Regatieri.pdf: 719656 bytes, checksum: 32bbeaea4a6587d7fc138ae31c74262d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-27 / The present work studies the variable regarding to the tax revenue directly collected by municipalities. It highlights three objectives: i) to analyze the impact of constitutional transfers from the Municipal Participation Fund (MPF) on direct municipal tax revenues, ii) analyze the existence of a political cycle on the collection, and iii) analyze the impact of the collection on the current mayors's probability of reelection. The methodology used for the analysis of MPF on the municipal tax collection is the Regression Discontinuity (RD) in fuzzy design (Angrist & Pischke, 2008), using for this the MPF discontinuities due to changes in population groups. To analyze the political cycle, we use regressions of the municipal tax revenues variable on year dummies referring to the mayors's year administration, with fixed effects and according to the political cycles literature(Vine & Mattos, 2011; Araújo Leite Filho, 2010; Nakaguma & Bender 2010). Regarding the impact of the variable of interest on the incumbent mayors's probability of reelection, the estimation methodology follows three stages in the estimation of an OLS model (OLS), for the whole sample and to the vicinity of these discontinuities. The results indicate a both negative and increasing effect of MPF on municipal tax revenues, along cert a in population groups, suggesting that mayors would prefer cutting tax revenues, rather than simply use the granted additional transfers in order to increase the local public good. From this gap in municipal tax revenue allowed by MPF, we find the existence of political cycles, being the tax collections in the early years of the mandate above the tax collection in the election year. In respect to the impact on re-election, the results are not robust, indicating the necessity for information that detach the effect of increases in tax rates from the effects of increases in the tax base or improvements in the structure of municipal tax collection, which may be producing a more balanced or equitable municipal tax collection system. / O presente trabalho tem como variável de estudo a arrecadação realizada diretamente pelos municípios. Destacam-se três objetivos: i) analisar o impacto das transferências constitucionais do Fundo de Participação Municipal (FPM) sobre a arrecadação municipal direta; ii) analisar a existência de ciclo político na arrecadação; e iii) analisar o impacto da arrecadação na probabilidade de reeleição dos prefeitos incumbentes. A metodologia usada para a análise do FPM sobre a arrecadação municipal é a Regressão de Descontinuidade (RD) no fuzzy design (Angrist & Pischke, 2008), utilizando para isso as descontinuidades no FPM devido às mudanças nas faixas populacionais. Para analisar o ciclo político, utilizam-se regressões da variável arrecadação municipal sobre dummies para os anos do mandato com efeitos fixos, em consonância com a literatura de ciclos políticos (Videira & Mattos, 2011; Araújo e Leite Filho, 2010; Nakaguma & Bender, 2010). Com relação ao impacto da variável de interesse sobre a probabilidade de reeleição dos prefeitos incumbentes, a metodologia segue a estimação em 3 estágios de um modelo de Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários (MQO), para a amostra toda e para as proximidades das referidas descontinuidades. Os resultados indicam um efeito negativo e crescente do FPM sobre a arrecadação municipal, ao longo de determinadas faixas populacionais, sinalizando que os prefeitos preferem reduzir a arrecadação tributária, ao invés de apenas usar as transferências adicionais obtidas para aumentar o bem público local. Nessa lacuna na arrecadação municipal permitida pelas transferências do FPM, encontra-se a existência de ciclos políticos, estando as arrecadações nos anos iniciais do mandato acima da arrecadação no ano eleitoral. Com relação ao impacto sobre a reeleição, os resultados não são robustos, indicando a necessidade de se obter informações que separem o efeito de aumentos nas alíquotas dos efeitos de aumentos na base de cálculo ou de melhorias na estrutura de arrecadação municipal, que podem estar tornando o sistema de arrecadação municipal mais equilibrado ou equitativo.

The work focuses on limitation of public officials' reelection eligibility in Mexican political system. The question of reelection is put into the context of both Latin American region and history of Mexico itself and of its constitution. It offers an overview of specific constitutional clauses that define the reelection rules, historical background and motivation of their genesis and also analyses their practical implementation and consequences. The topic is examined primarily with regard to the influence of reelection limitation on previous and future democratic development of the country.