The main objective of the doctorate thesis was to explore the causes of the current state of relations between the EU and Russia and to provide substantiation for future effective cooperation. The main analytical assumption of the thesis is that deeper regional economic cooperation creates positive effects for improvement of economic relations. Based on that assumption a complex exploratory framework with solid theoretical grounding was created in order to evaluate potential gains from trade liberalization scenarios between the EU and Russia. Main research is focused on the three following areas: historical background of economic relations, current developments and perspectives of the future cooperation in light of trade liberalization. Historical background of common economic relations stems from political and economic development on both sides, legal and institutional framework and problematic areas. Current development of trade and economic relations is based on analysis of trade flows in goods, trade in services and capital flows. Analysis of the future development is based on three liberalization scenarios: - Accession of Russia to the World Trade Organization (WTO), - Free trade agreement (FTA) -- scrapping customs tariffs between the EU and Russia, - Comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA+) -- reduction of non-tariff barriers to trade, liberalization of trade in services and capital flows, regulatory harmonization. Meta-analysis of different computable general equilibrium (CGE) modeling is used to evaluate the liberalization scenarios. Research results proved positive effects of trade liberalization for both sides. However, comprehensive free trade agreement seems to be the most effective form of trade liberalization with maximum economic welfare gains for the EU and the Russian Federation.

<p>The EPA&rsquo / s will have an impact on regional integration in Africa, especially in the SADC region. The region has been split between the SADC and ESA EPA configuration therefore impacting on regional integration objectives set out under the SADC Trade Protocol.The EPA&rsquo / s will be concluded separately with six of the sub groupings under the ACP grouping. With the EU-SADC EPA negotiations has come a problem of overlapping of membership of the different regions which has created confusion and conflicts. Members of Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) did not all enter into the EU-SADC EPA has one. The EU-SADC EPA configuration consists of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and Tanzania. The rest of the SADC member states are negotiating with the EU-ESA configuration. With South Africa having been allowed into the negotiations, its role should be examined and what it can contribute to the negotiations. Another conflict that has been created is the fact that South Africa has its own bilateral agreement with the EU thus putting stain on the trade relationship between South African and the rest of the SADC countries.</p>

<p>The EPA&rsquo / s will have an impact on regional integration in Africa, especially in the SADC region. The region has been split between the SADC and ESA EPA configuration therefore impacting on regional integration objectives set out under the SADC Trade Protocol.The EPA&rsquo / s will be concluded separately with six of the sub groupings under the ACP grouping. With the EU-SADC EPA negotiations has come a problem of overlapping of membership of the different regions which has created confusion and conflicts. Members of Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) did not all enter into the EU-SADC EPA has one. The EU-SADC EPA configuration consists of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and Tanzania. The rest of the SADC member states are negotiating with the EU-ESA configuration. With South Africa having been allowed into the negotiations, its role should be examined and what it can contribute to the negotiations. Another conflict that has been created is the fact that South Africa has its own bilateral agreement with the EU thus putting stain on the trade relationship between South African and the rest of the SADC countries.</p>

Magister Legum - LLM

Os países da América Latina experimentaram, na década de 1950, um forte estímulo para o regionalismo econômico. O avanço dos processos de industrialização nas principais economias da região, por um lado, e as restrições políticas e econômicas presentes no novo ordenamento internacional do pós-guerra, por outro, tornaram aquela conjuntura histórica receptiva às propostas genuinamente elaboradas no seio da Comissão Econômica para América Latina e Caribe (CEPAL) de uma maior colaboração, cooperação e integração entre os países da região. O Brasil, nesse contexto, se deparou com duas diferentes iniciativas de integração regional que tiveram desfechos contrários. A primeira, assumida como uma tentativa frustrada de reedição do Pacto ABC de 1915, buscava entrelaçar as economias de Argentina, Brasil e Chile sob a rubrica de uma união aduaneira. A assinatura da Ata de Santiago entre Juan D. Perón e Carlos Ibañez Del Campo em fevereiro de 1953 não amainou o cenário para a adesão do Brasil; ao contrário, inflamou a oposição interna ao governo brasileiro, tornando a proposta objeto de denúncia contra Getúlio Vargas. A falta de apoio político interno levaria o governo Vargas a adotar uma atitude realista e instrumental frente à proposta abecista. Já a segunda ocasião referiu-se ao bem-sucedido processo de formação da Associação Latino-Americana de Livre Comércio (ALALC), concretizado após subscrição do Tratado de Montevidéu em fevereiro de 1960. A elaboração do projeto alalquiano por comissões técnicas interestatais contando com amplo e decisivo suporte cepalino contribuiu para despolitizar internamente o tema da integração econômica regional e garantir sua efetivação com o total apoio do governo de Juscelino Kubitschek. Trata-se aqui de analisar a recepção e repercussão no Brasil de tais propostas integracionistas e buscar compreender as motivações e interesses que conduziram o processo de definição da participação brasileira a resultados contrários, em uma conjuntura política e econômica relativamente semelhante. A hipótese que orienta as análises específicas é que a correlação interna de forças políticas, e os interesses econômicos e influências sociais nela implicados, fora determinante para definir a oportunidade e/ou as expectativas de concretização dos blocos econômicos regionais. / The countries of Latin America received, in the 1950s, a strong stimulus for economic regionalism. The advance of industrialization processes in the major economies of the region, on the one hand, and the political and economic constraints present in the new international order of the post-war, on the other, become this historical juncture receptive to proposals genuinely prepared within the Economic Commission Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) for greater collaboration, cooperation and integration among the region countries. The Brazil, in this context, was faced with two different regional integration initiatives that had opposing outcomes. The first, taken as a failed attempt to reissue the ABC Pact of 1915, sought to intertwine the economies of Argentina, Brazil and Chile under the rubric of a customs union. The signing of the Minutes of Santiago between Juan D. Perón and Carlos Ibañez Del Campo in February 1953 not abated the controversies for Brazil\'s adherence; instead inflamed the internal opposition to the Brazilian government, making the proposal a subject of complain against Vargas. The lack of domestic political support would take the Vargas government to adopt a realistic and instrumental attitude towards abecista proposal. The second occasion referred to the successful process of formation of the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), achieved after signing of the Treaty of Montevideo in February 1960. The preparation of the project alalquiano by intergovernmental commissions techniques relying on broad and decisive support ECLAC contributed to internally depoliticize the issue of regional economic integration and ensure its implementation with the full support of the government of Juscelino Kubitschek. Seeks to analyze the reception and influence in Brazil of such integrationist proposals and understand the motivations and interests that led the process of defining Brazilian participation to contrary results in political and economic conditions relatively similar. The hypothesis that guides specific analyzes is that the internal correlation of political forces, and the economic interests and social influences involved in it, was determining for defining opportunities and / or expectations of achievement of regional economic blocs.

Magister Legum - LLM / The EPA’s will have an impact on regional integration in Africa, especially in the SADC region. The region has been split between the SADC and ESA EPA configuration therefore impacting on regional integration objectives set out under the SADC Trade Protocol.The EPA’s will be concluded separately with six of the sub groupings under the ACP grouping. With the EU-SADC EPA negotiations has come a problem of overlapping of membership of the different regions which has created confusion and conflicts. Members of Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) did not all enter into the EU-SADC EPA has one. The EU-SADC EPA configuration consists of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and Tanzania. The rest of the SADC member states are negotiating with the EU-ESA configuration. With South Africa having been allowed into the negotiations, its role should be examined and what it can contribute to the negotiations. Another conflict that has been created is the fact that South Africa has its own bilateral agreement with the EU thus putting stain on the trade relationship between South African and the rest of the SADC countries.

The objective of the study is to establish how original financial integration could be attained in southern Africa in order to attract more foreign investment and develop a financially robust and stable region in the southern part of Africa; also to deal with the challenges, risks and remedies of prospective future financial crises. Financial markets are rapidly integrating into a single global market. Developing countries of various regions are drawn into the process with little choice, and without having sound financial infrastructure and policies in place. It is against this background that countries and regions of global integration choose policies that would benefit their regional economy and avert potential economic shock. The challenges posed to countries and regions by the progressive global integration of financial markets are becoming more urgent by the day. These challenges need to be addressed more effectively, either nationally or regionally, as demonstrated by the 1998 financial turmoil in Asia. Private capital flows are becoming intra regionally concentrated, particularly in the USA, Europe, Asia and Latin America. Be that as it may, failure in one market is likely to have immediate and large regional repercussions. Globalisation also marginalises Africa and other Least Developed Countries (LDC), leaving them more impoverished and with greater disparities in terms of income, GDP and FDI. Regional financial integration has to be efficient and sound in order to prevent or contain currency and capital market crises in the southern African region. This study identifies macro economic challenges and risks associated with financial integration. Recommendations are made about methodologies of addressing these issues in order to realise the benefits of regional financial integration in southern Africa, which could be a building block in realising the dream of an African Monetary Union. The study contributes greatly to the debate around the most appropriate criteria that are to be met by the SADC countries, before monetary integration can become a reality. A comparison of the benchmark macro economic convergence criteria of the EU and of the African Monetary Union is done and the performance of SADC countries is assessed in terms of both sets of benchmarks. Southern African states are found to not even be at a comparable level with regard to the EU targets of 1997. The thesis is also critical to the impact of the political instability in the SADC region on prospective monetary integration. Most importantly, SADC would be at a permanent disadvantage and face a long-run depreciation of its common currency, should it continue to integrate financially at macro economic benchmark levels inferior to those of its major trading partner, the EU. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Economics / unrestricted

近年來區域經濟整合風潮日漸蓬勃發展，十餘年前在中國大陸倡議下，與東協共組「中國－東協自由貿易區」。成立後該自貿區內擁有19億人口，區域生產總值近6兆美元，貿易總額達4.5兆美元，也是全球人口最多的自由貿易區。在雙邊歷經多年談判，即將正式成立自由貿易區的時點上，印尼卻發聲要求延遲實施「中國－東協自由貿易協定」（CAFTA），便使人感到疑惑與不解。究竟東協各國對於區域經濟整合的態度為何？印尼政府和企業是否做好了產業衝擊的評估報告，並提出因應之道？ 　　印尼國內自2009年中起感受到自貿區成立後將對國內產業帶來巨大衝擊，紛紛透過媒體和國會等管道，要求印尼政府暫緩全面實施零關稅。印尼政府亦評估將有228項產品會受到中國大陸產品的嚴重衝擊，而向東協秘書處遞函要求重新協商。嗣後自身考量重新協商曠日廢時、耗費大量勞力物力又緩不濟急，轉而尋求與中國大陸直接對話，雙邊就貨品關稅調降、貿易不均衡的處理方式及促進兩國產業合作等進行討論，最終獲得七項共識，其中中國大陸承諾當貿易不均衡的情況發生時，出超國將有義務增加對入超國的進口，並且協助對方產品的行銷推廣。印尼政府與中國大陸的直接對話所獲得的共識，普遍得到印尼國內的肯定，讓先前爭議問題暫時平歇。然印尼國內更關注協議的實際運作狀況，能否真正發揮效用，亦有待時間的考驗。 　　綜觀此次爭議，印尼官方和民間過往忽視產業的升級和轉型、未提前做好自貿區的因應準備，導致臨屆成立之日，才急的像熱鍋上的螞蟻。印尼擁有豐富的自然資源及充沛的勞動力，可說是未來經濟發展的耀眼新星，如能把握自貿區成立後的契機，結合中國大陸的技術及資金，雙邊進行優勢產業互補合作，兩國未來的發展將無可限量。2015年TPP及RCEP即將成立，屆時中國大陸、東協都將扮演更重要的角色，印尼如能做好完善的準備，相信將能乘著兩大區域貿易組織的翅膀，飛向更璀璨耀眼的明天。

1990年代以來，區域貿易協定的數目呈現倍數成長，發展到今日，全世界已約有230個FTA。然而臺灣卻因政治因素被屏除在區域經濟整合之外，將為臺灣經濟帶來諸多挑戰，我國若欲走出困境、強化在國際間的競爭力，勢必要有所作為。因此馬英九總統在競選總統時就以「與世界連結，參與全球區域經濟整合」為經貿政策主軸，而充分利用中國大陸現有的資源與市場，與其簽署區域貿易協定更是最具關鍵性的一步。經過多次正式與非正式的溝通協調，2010年6月29日，兩岸正式在重慶簽署ECFA，並於同年9月12日正式實施。 但從ECFA議題拋出到簽署實施，各界的爭辯從未停止，究竟ECFA對臺灣是危機還是轉機？是幫助臺灣走向世界還是被鎖進中國？值得深入研究，因此本文藉由國內外相關文獻來探討簽署ECFA對我國政治、經濟社會以及國家安全層面的影響，以增加閱讀者對ECFA的了解，也能成為政府推動ECFA的參考。 / Since 1990s, the number of the region trade agreements has been doubling, and until now there has been a total of 230 FTAs around the world. However, due to political factors, Taiwan has been dismissed outside the regional economies conformity, which will bring many obstacles toward the economic development in Taiwan. If our country intends to walk away from the dilemma and raise our competiveness, some steps must be taken. Therefore, while running for the presidency, President Ma Yingjiu brought up, 〝Links with the world, participates in the whole world regional economies conformity〞 as his economics and trade policy. By fully making using at the mainland China’s existing resources and markets, it was a must for Taiwan to sign the region trade agreement with china. After several official and unofficial communication and coordinating, on June 29, 2010, the Cross-Strait ECFA was signed officially in Chongqing, and implemented in the same year on September 12. Nevertheless, since the ECFA was carried out and signed, the debates from all walks of life has never come to an end. Is ECFA a crisis or a turning point for Taiwan？ Does it the help Taiwan to move toward the world or to be locked within China？It is worthwhile to conduct a research to clear out the doubts. This article dims to take a deeper look at how ECFA is influenced on Taiwan n terms of politics, economy, and national security. So that not only can the readers have a better understanding of the ECFA but also the government refers to it while the implementation of policy.

Abstract The title of this thesis is ¡§ A research on framing the Free Trade Areas across the Taiwan Strait: from the Regional Economic Integration viewpoint¡¨. The main themes of this thesis can be categorized into two parts: 1.Elaborating the theory of Free Trade Areas and the legal framework of global economic law to find out the reason why GATT/WTO permits to build Free Trade Areas as an exception of the GATT/WTO Most-Favored Treatment rule; and further stating the meaning and inspiration of Free Trade Areas across the Taiwan Strait under the experiences of EU and NAFTA. 2.After entering the WTO, according to the international norm, it¡¦s a must for both sides of The Taiwan Strait to adjust their economic relationship and set up a cross-strait free trade zone from the experience of EU and NAFTA in accordance with the natural regularity of international economic development relationship. Taiwan and Mainland China, on two sides of the Twian Strait have become members of the WTO, and have officially connected with international trade and economic organism. It is essential for two sides to develop their economic interrelationship on the basis of the natural regularity of international economic development relationship. This thesis emphasizes that the development of economic relationship across the Taiwan Strait is a step-by-step process and suggests that the process can be divided into three steps as follows: 1.Normalization of economic relationship across the Taiwan Strait after entering WTO¡Ðit means that the activities of trade and investment across The Taiwan Strait should be transformed from ¡§indirect¡¨ into ¡§direct.¡¨ In addition, the restrictions on the movement of the people between Taiwan and Mainland China should be eased. These changes certainly lead to more problems for Taiwan side and it is urgent to negotiate and sign agreements with China for the Agreement of Trade and Investment in order to secure its benefit in the cross-strait economic development. 2.¡§One-step-forward framework¡¨¡ÐI would like to suggest that the second step of the cross-strait economic development should go one step forward to set up a framework under which the Free Trade Agreement, industries cooperation and Custom Unions to be fulfilled. 3.The setup of the Free Trade Areas¡ÐThe Free Trade Areas can be materialized though discussion between two sides based on ¡§one-step-forward framework¡¨ In this thesis, I found out that the best policy for Taiwan and Mainland China is to construct the Free Trade Areas across the Taiwan Strait under the legal framework of WTO. However, there are some prerequisites needed to be considered as follows: 1.Raising the international competition; 2.Averting to be marginalized under the trend of Regional Economic Integration; 3.Evaluating the complementary structure of industries between Taiwan and Mainland China with an analysis of the background, humanities and history between Taiwan and Mainland China. When the Free Trade Areas to be established in the future, it is recommend that the establishment of a Common Market across the Taiwan Strait will most benefit Taiwan and Mainland in the long run.