Thesis (doctoral)--Deutsche Hochschule für Verwaltungswissenschaften, Speyer, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fyra statliga offentliga dokument för att se vad problemen är representerade att vara som leder politiken mot en riktning där den kommunala planeringen, i form av den fysiska planeringen och bostadsförsörjningsplaneringen, i större utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till ett regionalt perspektiv. Syftet med denna uppsats blir således också att analysera villkoren för det kommunala självstyret när en av dess grundbultar, den kommunala planeringen, i ökad utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till den regionala nivån. Den här uppsatsen teoretiska- och metodologiska ansats bygger på ett vetenskaplig paket av Carol Bacchi. Hennes ansats studerar problemrepresentationer och för att besvara den här uppsatsen övergripande frågeställningar använder jag mig av ett diskursanalysverktyg som är inspirerad utifrån hennes ansats. Den empiriska analysen visar att en av problemrepresentationerna är att det pågår en regionförstoring med växande funktionella regioner. En annan problemrepresenation som framträder i de undersökta dokumenten är att det anses vara betydande av en ökad samordning av den kommunala planeringen. Det kommunala planmonopolet, som är en del av det kommunala självstyret, problematiseras att vara av stor vikt i de undersökta dokumenten, men att det finns brister i tillämpningen m.m. Alla dessa problematiseringar ovan som funnits i de undersökta dokumenten kan spåras till en diskurs där hållbar utveckling, konkurrenskraft och tillväxt är det självklara och eftersträvansvärda. Villkoren för kommunalt självstyre kan förstås på det sättet att en av dess grundbultar, den kommunala planeringen, i större utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till en nyregional logik som bygger på en viss typ av politik med en konsensustradition. / The purpose of this essay is to analyze four public document published by the Swedish state to see what the problems is represented to be, which makes the politics move to a certain direction where municipal planning, more specifically spatial and social planning and housing planning, should take into account regional perspectives. Also, the purpose of this essay is to analyze the terms of the local self-government in a context where the municipal planning is increasingly to be arranged in a regional perspective. This essays theoretical- and methodological approach contains of a scientific package created by Carol Bacchi. Her theoretical- and methodological approach studies problem representations and to answer this essay overall questions I use a discourse analysis tool inspired of Bacchis approach. The empirical analysis shows that there is a problem representation about an ongoing regional expansion, thus expanding functional regions. Another problem representation is that it is considered necessary to have a greater coordination of the municipal planning. The municipal monopoly, which is a part of the local self-government, is problematized in the examined document to be of great importance, but there are some shortcomings in the application. All of these problem representations and problematisations can be traced to a discourse in which sustainable development, competitiveness and growth is desirable. The terms of the local self-government can be understood in the sense that one of its cornerstones, the municipal planning, greater will be arranged in a new regional logic, which builds upon a certain kind of politics with a consensus tradition

Territory remains a focus for identification and territorial identity an enduring topic of scholarly research. This dissertation explores the territorial identity of Cornwall in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The study does three things; it defines Cornish identity on the basis of concepts of distinction, integration, process, narrative, context and scale; it applies the model of regional identity formation proposed by Anssi Paasi; and it develops the disciplinary approach of the new Cornish Studies. The subject of the dissertation is the period after the fragmentation of a linguistically based ethnic identity and before the reconstruction of a ‘Celtic’ Cornish identity. A comparative investigation of this phase of the history of identity transformation restores continuity between Cornwall’s industrial and post-industrial periods and provides an account of modern Cornish identity. The first part of the dissertation reviews representations of Cornwall and its people in the early nineteenth century. The focus then shifts to discuss the structures and institutions – economic, social and religious – around which identities cohered. The argument of the thesis is that industrialisation based on deep metal mining gave the Cornish a renewed pride as inhabitants of one of Europe’s first centres of industrialisation. In this sense Cornwall resembled other industrial regions in the early nineteenth century British Isles. However, it also differed from them, most notably in its demography, in the social relations produced by rural industrialisation and in the way its historians had re-fashioned a history of the Cornish as a distinct group. By the later nineteenth century a hybrid identity had emerged, one based on a regional pride induced by industrialisation but one that also looked back to symbols of ethnic distinctiveness. This regional identity nested within identities of Englishness and Britishness that constrained its political potential.

In the spring of 2004, a synergistic team of professors, practitioners, and graduate students coalesced in a graduate planning studio at the University of Pennsylvania (Penn) with the greatest of ambitions: to craft a “Plan for America,” through the year 2050. Their work led to a megaregional revival, weaving the work of Jean Gottman, old regionalists like Benton MacKaye, and New Regionalists like Peter Calthrope into a new perspective on regional planning. In the brief period that followed, a flurry of megaregional research was produced by scholars at Penn, Georgia Tech, the University of Texas at Austin, the Regional Plan Association, and the Lincoln Institute for Land Policy. But nearly a decade into this megaregional revival, old questions about the concept continue to simmer while many new questions emerge, which begs the question: what exactly has this flurry of megaregional research settled? How exactly are megaregions defined and delineated? Do they even have fixed boundaries? Assuming a consensus emerged on how to define and delineate the space, how could such a large and unwieldy scale be governed? Are megaregions functional economic units or merely a product of poorly regulated sprawl development over vast expanses? If they are indeed functional units, how are they interacting or competing with one another for growth, development, and finite public resources? The answers to these questions have been, well, elusive. This thesis begins to remedy this glaring gap in the literature by conducting semi-structured interviews with the key informants credited with leading the conception and evolution of megaregional thought in the U.S. With their aid, this thesis begins to contextualize the provenance, the evolution, the barriers to progress, and the potential future trajectories of the megaregional construct. One of these potential future trajectories – megaregional economic development – is explored between the nation’s only physically linked pair of megaregions: the Texas Triangle and Gulf Coast. In the final chapter of this thesis, recommendations drawn from these analyses are made for the research, the pedagogy, and the practice of planning for megaregions. Together, this triptych of recommendations outlines a path towards a megaregional future. / text

"Matters of State: American Literature in the Civil Rights Era" argues that American writers engaged with the American civil rights movement as it unfolded by turning their attention to the state and the state's relationship to its subjects and by imagining new forms for both. Postwar American literary culture, then, understood racial inequality not solely as a problem of identity and difference, nor simply as an economic problem, but as a problem of formal citizenship. Between around 1948 and around 1968, that problem as such spurred diverse and unruly literary inquiries into a range of matters of state, each taken up in dialogue with American constitutional law and each also a meditation on the particular capacities of literary art as a site for political thinking. William Faulkner and Flannery O'Connor tried to reimagine the structure of federalism; James Baldwin and Harper Lee interrogated the real workings of democracy; Chester Himes and Sam Greenlee asked whether social movements ought to collaborate with the existing U.S. state in the first place; Norman Mailer, William Styron, Amiri Baraka, and others reoriented literary culture toward a new, post-civil-rights set of questions. Read as one archive, the novels and plays and essays that they produced tell a new story about American literature at midcentury: a story about literature's quasi-autonomous engagement with the political-theoretical questions that racial inequality had rendered urgent. They remind us of the complexity of history itself, and of the difficulty and uncertainty obscured by triumphalist narratives of democratic liberalism's inevitable civil-rights redemption. And they afford a glimpse into the kaleidoscopic legal worldmaking for which literary art in general can be an arena.

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This thesis in social anthropology is based on the inner essence, manifestations and tendencies of Scottish nationalism and regionalism. The thesis intends to investigate how Scottish nationalism and regionalism are related to each other. It is meant to highlight the meaning of the Wallace-myth for maintenance of the Scottish national consciousness and to illuminate factors lying behind this myth. It is also meant to study how Turner, Lévi-Strauss, Anderson, Eriksen, Hobsbawm and Hettne’s theories work in the Scottish field. This thesis intends to contribute to a better understanding and deeper insight into Scottish nationalism.

Praca składa się z trzech zasadniczych części. Rozdział I poświęcony jest teorii regionalizmu. Rozdział II rozprawy przybliża sylwetkę Juliana Korsaka. Ze względu na wyjątkowo skąpe informacje dotyczące biografii poety, zdecydowałam się wprowadzić tło historyczne oraz geograficzne, pozwalające lepiej poznać czas i przestrzeń, które ukształtowały twórcę. Do tej części pracy należą dwa załączniki umieszczone na końcu rozprawy – mapka z miejscem urodzenia Korsaka oraz zarys genealogii poety z herbem rodowym. Rozdział III to zasadnicza część pracy, zawierająca analizę utworów pod kątem zawartych w nim treści regionalnych. Ze względu na wielopoziomowość badań nie udało się przyjąć bardziej systematyzującej formy tej części rozprawy. Rozdział ten składa się z pierwszego podrozdziału omawiającego emocjonalny stosunek do kraju ojczystego, drugiego podrozdziału analizującego konkretne przejawy regionalizmu w postaci pojawiających się w utworach nazw topograficznych, nazwisk osób związanych z regionem, symboli i motywów oraz trzeciego podrozdziału, w którym autorka wymienia przykłady regionalizmów językowych występujących w analizowanym materiale. / Darbas susideda iš trijų pagrindinių dalių. I skyriuje nagrinėjama regionalizmo teorija. Darbo II skyrius skirtas Julijano Korsako asmenybei. Kadangi yra labai mažai medžiagos susijusios su poeto biografija, nutariau parodyti istorinį bei geografinį foną. Tai padėjo geriau pažinti laikotarpį bei aplinką, kuriuose susiformavo kūrėjas. Prie šios darbo dalies yra du priedai – nedidelis žemėlapis su pažymėta Korsako gimimo vieta bei poeto genealoginė apybraiža su šeimos herbu. III skyrius tai pagrindinė darbo dalis, kurią sudaro kūrinių analizė pagal juose atsispindinčius regioninius motyvus. Šį skyrių sudaro pirmas poskyris, kuriame aptariamas emocinis ryšys su tėvyne, antras poskyris, kuriame analizuojami regionalizmo reiškiniai, atsispindintys veikaluose paminėtuose topografiniuose pavadinimuose, su regionu susijusių žmonių pavardėse, simboliuose ir motyvuose bei trečias poskyris, kuriame minimi nagrinėjamoje medžiagoje pasireiškiantys kalbos regionalizmo pavyzdžiai. Darbo pagrindinis tikslas buvo parodyti Juliano Korsako poezijoje įvairius regionalizmo aspektus. Tikiuosi, kad tai man nors iš dalies pavyko. Norėčiau pažymėti, kad dėl to, kad mažai yra mokslinių darbų mano pasirinkta tema, rašyti magistro darbą buvo sudėtinga, tačiau ilgainiui tyrinėjant temą ji suteikė man didelį pasitenkinimą. / The monograph includes a complex of problems connected with the regionalism character of Julian Korsak poetry. A lot of attention is paid to the problems of literature regionalism theory. The term regionalism is already known from many years, bet its treats intuicionally. There is no unequivocal definicion . The monograph presents types of definitions this problem. The analysis of the regionalism character of Julian Korsak poetry shown, that its exists in many levels of this literature – from the motives, names, symbols or geographic points till the language of poetry. The main part of the monograph deals with the examples of regionalism in poetry of Julian Korsak. It presents their basic types, construction, models and principle of use. The monograph also discusses abaut life of Julian Korsak. Becouse of insufficient sources about his biography, I decided to write about epoch and region of his childhood and adoult life. The main target of this monograph was to show the many perspectives and aspects of regionalism in Julian Korsak‘s poetry, what I hope is success. The absence of documents and other monographs about regionalism and poet‘s biography was a difficulty, bet at the same time it was an source of reserch satisfaction.

Pirmininkavimas Europos Sąjungos (ES) Tarybai yra vienas iš būdų įgyvendinti bendrą ES politiką, bet valstybės narės siekia pasinaudoti šia pareigybe sprendžiant savo šaliai ar regionui aktualius klausimus. Besiplėtojantys ekonominiai, politiniai ir kultūriniai ryšiai Baltijos jūros regione gali atskleisti bendrus kaimyninių valstybių prioritetus formuojant ES Tarybos darbotvarkę. Šiame tyrime Baltijos jūros regionu laikomos Danija, Švedija, Suomija ir Lietuva. Šiaurės valstybės (Suomija, Švedija, Danija) ir Lietuva turi gana skirtingus socialinio ir ekonominio vystymosi modelius, todėl tai gali reikšti, jog jų regioniniai ryšiai gali būti ne tokie stiprūs kaip ryšiai su kitomis ES valstybėmis. Tai gali turėti įtakos valstybių laikysenai pirmininkaujant ES Tarybai. Šiame tyrime siekiama patvirtinti arba paneigti hipotezę, kad Baltijos jūros regiono valstybės pirmininkaudamos ES Tarybai sureikšmina vienus ir tuos pačius regionui svarbius klausimus. Tiriami Baltijos regiono valstybių paskutiniai pirmininkavimai (Suomijos 2006 m., Švedijos 2009 m., Danija pirmininkauja šiuo metu, 2012 m., o Lietuva pirmininkaus 2013 m. antrojoje pusėje). Pasirinktos energetikos, aplinkosaugos ir susisiekimo, sritys, kaip pagrindinės probleminės sferos skatinančios regioninį bendradarbiavimą. Remiantis šiomis politikos sritimis siekiama išsiaiškinti pirmininkavimo prioritetų ir regionalizmo ryšį bei išanalizuoti valstybių keliamų prioritetų bendrumus ir skirtumus. / The Presidency of the Council of the EU can be conceived as the one of tools implementing common policy of the EU. Member states try to profit this position meeting the issues relevant for their own country or region. Evolving economic, political and cultural relations in the Baltic Sea region may reveal a number of priorities of neighboring countries in shaping the agenda of the Council of the EU. In this research the Baltic Sea region means Denmark, Sweden, Finland and Lithuania. Nordic countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark) and Lithuania have quite different social and economic development models, and this may cause that their regional ties may not be as strong as the relationship with other EU countries. This can affect the attitude of the country in presidency of the EU. This investigation aims to confirm or refute the hypothesis that the Baltic Sea region states chairing the EU Council at the central room put the same and one of the most important regional issues. It is analyzing the most recent presidencies of the Baltic Sea region states (Finland in 2006, Sweden in 2009, Denmark is chairing currently, 2012, and Lithuania will hold presidency in the second half of 2013). Particular policy areas are chosen, precisely energy, environment and transport, as the main problems leading to regional cooperation. Based on these policies the aim is to find the link between the presidency priorities and regionalism and to describe the commonalities and differences of it.