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For a variety of historical, cultural and political reasons, the Islamic headscarf has become an increasingly controversial matter in Europe. This is particularly the case in France, where the Parliament passed, in March 2004, a piece of legislation that prohibits students from wearing the Muslim veil—together with any other ‘conspicuous’ religious sign—in the classroom. Although Statute 228/2004 proved highly controversial and attracted unprecedented media attention, it was overwhelmingly supported by French MPs as a response to popular opposition towards religious insignia at school and was heralded as a ‘liberating’ piece of legislation that faithfully reasserted the beloved French principle of laïcité. Overseas, the new law was less favourably perceived and was often accused of being discriminatory and of violating the students’ freedom of religious expression. This thesis compares the French and American attitudes towards religious symbolism in general and the Islamic veil in particular. As in other matters, at first sight these two countries seem to adopt a very different—if not opposite—approach to religion and the Muslim veil, and so much so that their positions are often described as ‘irreconcilable’. This thesis will argue that this is hardly the case. Indeed, it will show that, at least before the passage of Statute 228-2004, the French and American legal systems adopted a substantially similar approach that appeared respectful of a veiled student’s right to wear religious insignia. This, the work will also suggest, is not surprising, for contrary to popular belief, the American conception of secularism is in many respects stricter than the French idea of laïcité, with the result that French ‘exceptionalism’ on matters of religion is hardly a convincing ground for justifying the new piece of legislation. The fundamental value of a Franco-American comparison, this work will suggest, ultimately lies with the fact that such a comparison demolishes a good portion of the popular myths surrounding the affaire des foulards: that the French legal system is fiercely secular; that the American one is strongly ‘religious’; and that France was, in 2004, confronted with a veritable ‘veil emergency’ that rendered the passage of the new statute all but inevitable.

For a variety of historical, cultural and political reasons, the Islamic headscarf has become an increasingly controversial matter in Europe. This is particularly the case in France, where the Parliament passed, in March 2004, a piece of legislation that prohibits students from wearing the Muslim veil—together with any other ‘conspicuous’ religious sign—in the classroom. Although Statute 228/2004 proved highly controversial and attracted unprecedented media attention, it was overwhelmingly supported by French MPs as a response to popular opposition towards religious insignia at school and was heralded as a ‘liberating’ piece of legislation that faithfully reasserted the beloved French principle of laïcité. Overseas, the new law was less favourably perceived and was often accused of being discriminatory and of violating the students’ freedom of religious expression. This thesis compares the French and American attitudes towards religious symbolism in general and the Islamic veil in particular. As in other matters, at first sight these two countries seem to adopt a very different—if not opposite—approach to religion and the Muslim veil, and so much so that their positions are often described as ‘irreconcilable’. This thesis will argue that this is hardly the case. Indeed, it will show that, at least before the passage of Statute 228-2004, the French and American legal systems adopted a substantially similar approach that appeared respectful of a veiled student’s right to wear religious insignia. This, the work will also suggest, is not surprising, for contrary to popular belief, the American conception of secularism is in many respects stricter than the French idea of laïcité, with the result that French ‘exceptionalism’ on matters of religion is hardly a convincing ground for justifying the new piece of legislation. The fundamental value of a Franco-American comparison, this work will suggest, ultimately lies with the fact that such a comparison demolishes a good portion of the popular myths surrounding the affaire des foulards: that the French legal system is fiercely secular; that the American one is strongly ‘religious’; and that France was, in 2004, confronted with a veritable ‘veil emergency’ that rendered the passage of the new statute all but inevitable.

For a variety of historical, cultural and political reasons, the Islamic headscarf has become an increasingly controversial matter in Europe. This is particularly the case in France, where the Parliament passed, in March 2004, a piece of legislation that prohibits students from wearing the Muslim veil—together with any other ‘conspicuous’ religious sign—in the classroom. Although Statute 228/2004 proved highly controversial and attracted unprecedented media attention, it was overwhelmingly supported by French MPs as a response to popular opposition towards religious insignia at school and was heralded as a ‘liberating’ piece of legislation that faithfully reasserted the beloved French principle of laïcité. Overseas, the new law was less favourably perceived and was often accused of being discriminatory and of violating the students’ freedom of religious expression. This thesis compares the French and American attitudes towards religious symbolism in general and the Islamic veil in particular. As in other matters, at first sight these two countries seem to adopt a very different—if not opposite—approach to religion and the Muslim veil, and so much so that their positions are often described as ‘irreconcilable’. This thesis will argue that this is hardly the case. Indeed, it will show that, at least before the passage of Statute 228-2004, the French and American legal systems adopted a substantially similar approach that appeared respectful of a veiled student’s right to wear religious insignia. This, the work will also suggest, is not surprising, for contrary to popular belief, the American conception of secularism is in many respects stricter than the French idea of laïcité, with the result that French ‘exceptionalism’ on matters of religion is hardly a convincing ground for justifying the new piece of legislation. The fundamental value of a Franco-American comparison, this work will suggest, ultimately lies with the fact that such a comparison demolishes a good portion of the popular myths surrounding the affaire des foulards: that the French legal system is fiercely secular; that the American one is strongly ‘religious’; and that France was, in 2004, confronted with a veritable ‘veil emergency’ that rendered the passage of the new statute all but inevitable.

For a variety of historical, cultural and political reasons, the Islamic headscarf has become an increasingly controversial matter in Europe. This is particularly the case in France, where the Parliament passed, in March 2004, a piece of legislation that prohibits students from wearing the Muslim veil—together with any other ‘conspicuous’ religious sign—in the classroom. Although Statute 228/2004 proved highly controversial and attracted unprecedented media attention, it was overwhelmingly supported by French MPs as a response to popular opposition towards religious insignia at school and was heralded as a ‘liberating’ piece of legislation that faithfully reasserted the beloved French principle of laïcité. Overseas, the new law was less favourably perceived and was often accused of being discriminatory and of violating the students’ freedom of religious expression. This thesis compares the French and American attitudes towards religious symbolism in general and the Islamic veil in particular. As in other matters, at first sight these two countries seem to adopt a very different—if not opposite—approach to religion and the Muslim veil, and so much so that their positions are often described as ‘irreconcilable’. This thesis will argue that this is hardly the case. Indeed, it will show that, at least before the passage of Statute 228-2004, the French and American legal systems adopted a substantially similar approach that appeared respectful of a veiled student’s right to wear religious insignia. This, the work will also suggest, is not surprising, for contrary to popular belief, the American conception of secularism is in many respects stricter than the French idea of laïcité, with the result that French ‘exceptionalism’ on matters of religion is hardly a convincing ground for justifying the new piece of legislation. The fundamental value of a Franco-American comparison, this work will suggest, ultimately lies with the fact that such a comparison demolishes a good portion of the popular myths surrounding the affaire des foulards: that the French legal system is fiercely secular; that the American one is strongly ‘religious’; and that France was, in 2004, confronted with a veritable ‘veil emergency’ that rendered the passage of the new statute all but inevitable.

The thesis deals with the works of the Czech baroque in Latin writing authors of non- Catholic and Catholic confession: Pavel Stránský (1583-1657), Jan Amos Komenský (1592- 1670), Jan Laetus-Veselský (1609-1659), Julius Solimanus (1595-1639), Bohuslav Balbín (1621-1688), Tomáš Pešina of Čechorod (1629-1680) and Jan Florián Hammerschmidt (1652- 1735). The focus of the thesis is (apart from the comparism of the point of view of the authors on personality and reign of Rudolph II. with the aspect on the ideal of the sovereign at that time) the description of their life and work as well, because some of them haven't been subject of interest of the researchers so far. The thesis brings also the stylistic and content escription of their historiographical works and selected passages from them are edited in the final part of the work.

O objetivo deste trabalho é refletir sobre a natureza da Ação Católica Brasileira (ACB) e a conformação dos seus arquivos. A ACB desenvolveu-se entre os anos 1935 e 1966, calcada no projeto de conversão católica da sociedade. Baseada no método indutivo e no cotejo das fontes, a pesquisa debruçou-se sobre as obras religiosas e jurídicas que circularam entre os militantes e sacerdotes, além dos próprios documentos da Ação Católica Brasileira e das diferentes instituições envolvidas na custódia dos arquivos do movimento. Como resultados, a tese apresenta as particularidades da natureza e da institucionalidade da associação e nuances das relações estabelecidas entre leigos e sacerdotes ao longo de sua história. Igualmente desvela como o projeto fundante da ACB e as transformações pelas quais passou impactaram na produção e acumulação documental da associação. Por fim, pondera a respeito dos preceitos religiosos e das circunstâncias históricas que reverberaram no destino final e na apropriação do espólio documental por parte de diferentes custodiadores vinculados à Igreja Católica. / This study aims to reflect upon the nature of the Catholic Action in Brazil (ACB) and the configuration of its archives. The Catholic Action in Brazil was developed between 1935 and 1966, grounded in the project for society catholic conversion. Based on the inductive method and the comparison of sources, the research focused on the religious and legal works that circulated among militants and priests as well as on the Catholic Actions own documents and documents from different institutions involved in the custody of the movement´s archives. The thesis presents the peculiarities of the association nature and institutionality as well as the nuances in the relations established between laypeople and priests throughout history. It also reveals how the Catholic Action founding project and the transformations it has been through have impacted on the production and documental accumulation of the association. Finally, it ponders over the religious precepts and the historical circumstances that reverberated through the final destination and in the ownership of the documental legacy on the part of the different custodians attached to the Catholic Church.

Notre thèse a pour objectif d’éclaircir les formes et l’esprit de la vie économique des communautés chrétiennes aux trois premiers siècles. Du ministère de Jésus à la fin du IIIe siècle, les chrétiens, dans leur diversité, ont développé des modes de vie particuliers dans lesquels les pratiques économiques, fortement influencées par leur morale, ont joué un rôle majeur. Nous chercherons à éclaircir les modalités de financement de la mission et de la vie communautaire des chrétiens, mais aussi les formes institutionnelles de la gestion de ces aspects économiques ainsi que les formes de solidarité matérielle qui ont été développées par les premiers chrétiens. Dès le ministère de Jésus, une réflexion pratique sur le maniement des richesses a été menée et a produit une organisation économique particulière fortement marquée par un modèle communautaire. La portée d’un tel modèle dans les trois premiers siècles chrétiens doit être évaluée. Nous nous attachons avant tout aux aspects concrets de cette vie économique, pour en comprendre le fonctionnement. Notre étude se fonde essentiellement sur des sources littéraires chrétiennes, néotestamentaires et patristiques, mais aussi sur des sources archéologiques, épigraphiques ou papyrologiques lorsqu’elles sont disponibles. / Our dissertation aims to enlighten different aspects of the economic life of the Christian communities during the first three centuries. From Jesus to the end of the third century, Christians, in different ways, developed specific ways of life in which the economic practices played a key role. We will try to explain how the mission and the communal life of Christians were funded, but also what role played the ecclesiastical institutions in the use of the common fund. A very important part of our work will also consist in explaining the concrete practices of the Christians concerning the care for the poor in the community. The first Christian communities developed a thought about the economic life of a religious community as early as the preaching of Jesus and we have to try to understand better the meaning and the concrete consequences of these thoughts on their communal life, and the posterity of these practices. To investigate about the economic life of the first Christian communities, we will use most of all the New Testament and patristic texts, even if at some points archaeological, epigraphical and papyrological sources can be used to strengthen our analysis.

This thesis examine the cultural interaction between Anishinabe people, who lived in what is now southern Ontario, and the Loyalists, Euroamerican settlers who moved north from the United States during and after the American Revolution. Starting with an analysis of Anishinabe cultural history before the settlement era the thesis argues that Anishinabe spirituality was not traditionalist. Rather it inclined its practitioners to search for new knowledge. Further, Anishinabe ethics in this period were determined corporately based on the immediate needs and expectations of individual communities. As such, Anishinabe ethics were quite separate from Anishinabe spiritual teachings. Between 1760 and 1815, the Anishinabe living north of the Great Lakes participated in pan-Native resistance movements to the south. The spiritual leaders of these movements, sometimes called nativists, taught that tradition was an important religious virtue and that cultural integration was dangerous and often immoral. These nativist teachings entered the northern Anishinabe cultural matrix and lived alongside earlier hierarchies of virtue that identified integration and change as virtues. When Loyalist Methodists presented their teachings to the Anishinabeg in the early nineteenth century their words filtered through both sets of teachings and found purchase in the minds of many influential leaders. Such leaders quickly convinced members of their communities to take up the Methodist practices and move to agricultural villages. For a few brief years in the 1830s these villages achieved financial success and the Anishinabe Methodist leaders achieved real social status in both Anishinabe and Euroamerican colonial society. By examining the first generation of Anishinabe Methodists who practiced between 1823 and 1840, I argue that many Anishinabe people adopted Christianity as new wisdom suitable for refitting their existing cultural traditions to a changed cultural environment. Chiefs such as Peter Jones (Kahkewahquonaby), and their followers, found that Methodist teachings cohered with major tenets of their own traditions, and also promoted bimadziwin, or health and long life, for their communities. Finally, many Anishinabe people believed that the basic moral injunctions of their own tradition compelled them to adopt Methodism because of its potential to promote bimadziwin. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2008-07-17 13:59:23.833