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Following the Treaty of Paris, which formally ended the American Revolution, the United States faced the daunting task of transitioning from an alliance of rebellious colonies to a unified republican government. From the outset the United States struggled to integrate their revolutionary ideology into a functional system of governance. The country’s national defense establishment typified this struggle. Professional armies, eighteenth-century Americans believed, remained antithetical to republican principles. Such forces, they believed, were the tools authoritarian leaders wielded to promote tyranny and suppress individual liberties. Their ranks were filled with aristocratic officers and mindless mercenary soldiers drawn from the lowest rungs of society. To preserve their revolutionary ideals, the young nation chose to place their national defense in the hands of local militias. Filled with citizen-soldiers, militias provided security while avoiding the evils of professional armies.The nation’s militia system following the revolution, however, remained in disarray. Based in local communities across the nation, the militia remained poorly organized, ill-equipped, and poorly trained. Local citizens, state and federal policymakers, and military officials remained committed to fixing the only military system compatible with their idealized republican society. In the first decade following the adoption of the U.S. Constitution, the federal and state governments passed waves of legislation to try and reform the militia system. Despite these efforts, the militia, by the end of the federalist era, remained poorly organized, ill-equipped, and, in a single defining word, ineffective. The limited scholarly attention devoted to examining the militia during this period centers on the national political debate amongst elite politicians and the legislation they drafted to improve the militia. Such debates reveal how republican ideology, the same ideology which necessitated the militia, imposed constraints on the system. Historians, however, often remain less focused on actual militia organizations. Examining local militias illuminates the impact these republican constraints placed on the system. Exploring the thoughts and actions of local militiamen also reveals they too embraced republican principles. Their unique equalitarian conception of republicanism, however, contrasted with the conception most policymakers held. Militiamen resisted the militia system policymakers imposed, deeming it incompatible with true republican principles. Well-crafted legislation mattered little if militiamen refused to enact the system policymakers set forth. Instead of compromising, policymakers tried to rein in the unruly militias. These efforts provoked more resistance. Exhausted after years of failed reform, the government increasingly turned to the least republican option of all: a professional standing army. / History

People with learning disabilities are subject to a wide range of potential interferences with their choices and freedoms when they are 'placed' in institutional care services. The cumulative and pervasive impact of these regimes can be monumentally detrimental to self and wellbeing. Some have suggested that a new law, the Mental Capacity Act 2005, may limit the interferences that people with disabilities are subject to in care services. In this thesis, I subject the Mental Capacity Act to a critique drawn from new republican political theory. I argue that far from limiting the interferences that people with disabilities are subject to, the Act creates a mechanism which permits a proliferation of arbitrary interferences in people's everyday lives, with little recourse for people to 'invigilate' such interferences. I base this argument on a critical analysis of case law connected to the Mental Capacity Act, and by critically examining four key mechanisms of enforcement: Independent Mental Capacity Advocates, the Court of Protection, complaints procedures and regulation by the Care Quality Commission. I argue that, paradoxically, a framework for detention introduced by the Act - the deprivation of liberty safeguards - in fact contains more ingredients for ameliorating states of domination in these services than the Mental Capacity Act itself. However, the safeguards also suffer from serious defects. I conclude by discussing what lessons may be drawn from the problems with the Mental Capacity Act and the safeguards for wider reform efforts connected with the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

Dans ce travail, nous posons d’abord la question de la légitimité de la contestation internationale. En partant de la conception libérale de la souveraineté étatique, nous montrons que la contestation internationale pourrait être critiquée pour l’interférence qu’elle crée entre des acteurs étrangers. Pour défendre la légitimité de la contestation, nous argumentons en faveur de la position républicaine de Philip Pettit selon laquelle la souveraineté étatique ne devrait pas être comprise comme une absence d’interférence, mais plutôt comme une absence de domination. En montrant que les problèmes environnementaux peuvent être compris en tant que domination écologique, nous tentons alors de démontrer que la contestation internationale ne pose pas nécessairement problème pour la souveraineté des États, mais qu’au contraire, celle-ci peut servir protection contre d’éventuels cas de domination. Dans la seconde partie du travail, nous explorons la question de la légitimité des moyens de contestation utilisés par les activistes. En conservant les idées de Pettit concernant la domination, nous prenons toutefois nos distances par rapport à cet auteur et sa conception délibérative de la contestation. Nous amorcerons finalement la réflexion dans le but de trouver des critères pouvant légitimer certains recours à des moyens de contestation plus radicaux. Nous défendons notamment une position originale, voulant que la contestation soit comprise en continuité avec la délibération plutôt qu’en rupture avec celle-ci. / In this paper, we first study the case of international activism’s legitimacy. Accordinging to the liberal sovereignty principal, we show that it could be a problem to allow activists to protest on the international stage, as this would create a form of interference against the ones they target. But as we consider that the political pressure of interest groups is necessary to face major problems like the environmental issues, it seems important to us to advocate their work at the global level. To offer a defense of international activism, we base our position on the republican ideas of Philip Pettit for whom, political freedom would not be a non-interference, but a non-domination. After showing that some environmental issues can be understood as domination issues, we argue that international activism is not a necessarily a problem for the State’s sovereignty, but that it offers a protection against some form of ecological domination. In the second half of this paper, we study the legitimacy of the different means of pressure the activists can use to protest. As we keep the idea of freedom as non-domination, we will take our distances from Pettit’s thought of political contestatory. After criticizing the ideas of the deliberative democrats, we will initiate the reflection to find some new criterions that would legitimate some more radical means of pressure like direct actions and civil disobedience. We also offer an original thesis by suggesting that activism and deliberation should not be understood as opposites but rather as a continuum.

Des militants britanniques fondèrent un club pro-révolutionnaire à Paris à la fin de l’année 1792, au moment où leur propre gouvernement, dirigé par William Pitt le Jeune, avait proscrit tout soutien ouvert pour la Révolution française. Le club des expatriés fut créé alors à un carrefour dans la culture politique et diplomatique de la Grande-Bretagne, ainsi qu’à un stade important dans l’évolution de la Révolution française. Souvent victimes de poursuites judiciaires à la fois en Grande-Bretagne et en France, les membres du club ont été considérés comme des « hommes sans pays » par un commentateur au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, ces militants ne furent pas simplement des pions dans un conflit diplomatique plus large. Au sein de la jeune république, ils créèrent une communauté radicale à l’hôtel de White, lieu où des programmes politiques croisèrent des projets privés. Ce monde associatif fit partie d’un réseau plus large de réforme qui traversa la Manche. L’impact d’une tradition de « enquiry » et de « improvement », qui se développa au cours de la deuxième moitié du dix-huitième siècle, fut grand. Cette tradition poussa des membres de la communauté radicale à intervenir dans les débats révolutionnaires sur le devant de la scène publique française. Ces interventions furent aussi l’expression d’une volonté de mener à bien une réforme de la culture politique en Grande-Bretagne. Les membres de la communauté expatriée intervinrent alors au sujet de la création d’une nouvelle constitution républicaine à la fin de l’année 1792, proposant des modèles divers qui reflétaient le caractère hétérogène du club. D’autres, en tant que spectateurs, esquissèrent des témoignages pour un public britannique qui avait été trompé, à leurs yeux, par une presse ennemie de la Révolution. / British radicals established a pro-revolutionary society in Paris in the late months of 1792, at a time when their own government, under William Pitt the Younger, had proscribed all overt support for the French Revolution. The expatriate club was founded at a crossroads in British political and diplomatic culture therefore, and at a vital stage in the course of the French Revolution. Often the victims of judicial pursuit in both Britain and France, the members of the British Club have been deemed “men without countries” by one nineteenth-century commentator. Yet British radical activists in Paris were not simply pawns in a wider diplomatic struggle. In the early French republic, they founded a radical community at White’s Hotel, where political agendas intersected with private initiatives. This associational world was part of a broad network of reform stretching across the Channel. It was influenced by a tradition of enquiry and improvement which had developed in Britain during the latter half of the eighteenth century. This tradition led members of the radical community to engage with the Revolution on issues which dominated public debate in France but which also echoed their concern for the overhaul of British political culture. They intervened on the question of the foundation of a new republican constitution at the turn of 1793, providing a range of blueprints which reflected the varied nature of the club’s political character. Some also wrote eyewitness observations of the Revolution back to Britain, sketching their impressions for an audience who had, in their view, been misled by a hostile British press.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-03-20T11:54:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 transparencia_administracao.pdf: 858083 bytes, checksum: e83dccc2312db514883ef0a13d278a2c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-20T11:54:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 transparencia_administracao.pdf: 858083 bytes, checksum: e83dccc2312db514883ef0a13d278a2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-15 / Nenhuma / O presente trabalho tem como escopo principal o estudo do princípio da publicidade e seus reflexos na transparência da gestão pública dos entes políticos. Para tanto, busca-se, nos pilares republicanos e democráticos da experiência brasileira e na Constituição da República, formadores do Estado Democrático de Direito, o balizamento para a evolução da pesquisa. O Estado brasileiro passou por períodos que alternaram democracia com ditaduras, ora civil, ora militar, experimentando atualmente um dos mais longos períodos de sua história com estabilidade democrática. Emanando o poder do povo e exercido por seus representantes eleitos ou diretamente, conforme determina a Constituição da República, a prestação de contas do mandato outorgado é decorrência da delegação, cabendo ao outorgante exigir a prestação de contas a qualquer momento, preventivamente, no exercício de seu direito de cidadão, titular de direitos, porque soberano do poder, prevenindo deturpações administrativas e, se for o caso, provocando sua correção, quando viciada, evitando prejuízo ao erário público. Vai longe o Estado absolutista, devendo na República Democrática a res pública ser submetida ao controle social, com a pesquisa avançando pelos diversos caminhos e ferramentas possíveis de busca do autogoverno, passando pelos princípios aplicáveis à Administração Pública e os conceitos de (im)probidade administrativa. A ética balizadora da conduta dos homens em sociedade não pode ficar restrita a um micro sistema social, devendo abranger o serviço público em todas as suas instâncias e em todos os poderes. Eventuais causas e possíveis soluções serão objetos de conclusão no sentido de apontar solução para os problemas relacionados, sobretudo com a corrupção na seara da Administração Pública. O surgimento do incluso digital o conduz para a transparência da gestão pública, acessível ao homo connectus com os modernos meios proporcionados pela Tecnologia da Informação, possibilitando o controle social e a efetividade da democracia e do republicanismo. Uma limitada incursão em diversos entes públicos do Paraná é efetuada para cotejar as informações de seus Portais da Transparência, com o conteúdo previsto na legislação que positiva a necessidade de revelação das receitas e despesas, para acesso às informações contábeis. A proposta destina-se a demonstrar as variáveis possíveis da efetividade dos princípios Republicanos e Democráticos sob a perspectiva do exercício da cidadania, em consonância com uma perspectiva calcada nos princípios constitucionais. Destarte, a pesquisa propõe-se servir de mecanismo destinado a oferecer contribuição para o estabelecimento de uma perspectiva hermenêutica que permita o acesso ao exercício pleno do direito à informação, por meio da TI - Tecnologia da Informação. Com a pesquisa, pretende-se oferecer modesta contribuição ao país, no sentido de indicar meios possíveis de serem acionados, visando permitir o controle social com a consequente redução do vírus da corrupção que grassa solta em todos os setores da Administração Pública brasileira, de qualquer âmbito. / The scope of this work aims to study the principle of publicity and its effects on the transparency of the management of public political entities. To this end, this search is based on the Republican and Democratic pillars of the Brazilian experience as well as the Constitution of the Republic, which are the foundation of the Democratic rule of law and the guiding light for the development of this research. Throughout history, Brazil has alternated periods of democracy and dictatorships, which were either civil or military. Currently, the country has been experiencing one of the longest periods of democratic stability of its history. Empowered by the people, and exerted by elected representatives, as required by the Constitution, the privilege to require accountability at any time, preventively, rests with the grantor in the exercise of the right of citizens, due to the sover eign power, so as to avoid administrative misrepresentations and, if it is the case, to foster correction, and, therefore, avoid harm to the Treasury. Hence, with the end of the absolutist state, theres publica (commonwealth) should be subjected to the social control in a Democratic Republic, so as to explore various possible paths in the search of tools of self-government, from the applicability of the principles to the government to the concepts of administrative (im) probity. Men’s ethical beacon, in society, must not be restricted to a micro social system. It must encompass public service in all its instances and powers. Thus, possible causes and potential solutions will be subject to deliberation to solve problems, especially with the likelihood of corruption in the administration of public affairs. The emergence of digital inclusion leads to the transparency of the public management, accessible to the homo connectus, supplied by the means of Information Technology, granting social control and the effectiveness of Democracy and Republicanism. A limited incursion in several public entities of Paraná has collected information from their transparency portals, with content provided for in the legislation that estates the need to disclose revenues and expenses to the access of financial information. The bid aims to demonstrate possible alternatives of the effectiveness of Republican and Democratic principles from the perspective of citizenship, in line with a perspective grounded in constitutional principles. Thus, this research aims to provide a mechanism to grant the establishment of a hermeneutic perspective that allows access to the full exercise of the right to information by the means of IT - Information Technology. This research’s goal is to indicate possible ways to enable social control so as to minimize the virus of corruption that pervades all sectors of the Brazilian Public Administration

[pt] No início do século XVI, a Península Itálica passava por uma série de conflitos - a calamità -, originados pela invasão de Carlos VIII, rei de França, ocorrida em 1494. Neste contexto de turbulência, emerge na cidade de Florença uma nova forma de pensar a política, da qual Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540) foi um dos protagonistas; esta dissertação tem por objeto seu discurso político. Erigido com base em um procedimento analítico, o qual denomino método prudencial de análise da política, o discurso político de Guicciardini procura estabelecer mecanismos eficientes que visem à consolidação, em um contexto de corrupção, dos princípios do bom governo herdados da tradição - liberdade, harmonia civil, concórdia e justiça, consolidados pela condução virtuosa do estado. Diferentemente dos humanistas cívicos - seus predecessores -, o autor não se contentava com análises retóricas acerca destes temas gerais; para Guicciardini, era preciso definir procedimentos eficazes - o que fazia através da articulação entre discrezione, experiência prática e conhecimento das histórias antigas e modernas -, que incidissem para a realização do melhor governo possível. / [en] In the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Italian Peninsula went through a conflict series - the calamità - originated by the invasion of Carlos VIII, king of France, in 1494. In this turbulent context, emerges in the city of Florence a new way of thinking politics. Francesco Guicciardini (1483- 1540) was one of the protagonists of it; Francesco Guicciardini s political discourse is the goal of the present dissertation. Built based on an analytical procedure which I denominate prudential method of political analysis, Guicciardini s political discourse tries to establish efficient mechanisms viewing the consolidation of the principles of the good government inherited from the tradition - freedom, civil harmony, agreement, and justice though a virtuous conduction of the state - in a time of corruption. Differently from the civic humanists - his antecessors - the author was not satisfied with rhetorical analysis on the themes previously mentioned. To him, it was necessary to define efficient procedures - which he did through discrezione, practical experience and the knowledge of ancient and modern histories - which would help the effectiveness of the the best government possible.

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Dans ce travail, nous posons d’abord la question de la légitimité de la contestation internationale. En partant de la conception libérale de la souveraineté étatique, nous montrons que la contestation internationale pourrait être critiquée pour l’interférence qu’elle crée entre des acteurs étrangers. Pour défendre la légitimité de la contestation, nous argumentons en faveur de la position républicaine de Philip Pettit selon laquelle la souveraineté étatique ne devrait pas être comprise comme une absence d’interférence, mais plutôt comme une absence de domination. En montrant que les problèmes environnementaux peuvent être compris en tant que domination écologique, nous tentons alors de démontrer que la contestation internationale ne pose pas nécessairement problème pour la souveraineté des États, mais qu’au contraire, celle-ci peut servir protection contre d’éventuels cas de domination. Dans la seconde partie du travail, nous explorons la question de la légitimité des moyens de contestation utilisés par les activistes. En conservant les idées de Pettit concernant la domination, nous prenons toutefois nos distances par rapport à cet auteur et sa conception délibérative de la contestation. Nous amorcerons finalement la réflexion dans le but de trouver des critères pouvant légitimer certains recours à des moyens de contestation plus radicaux. Nous défendons notamment une position originale, voulant que la contestation soit comprise en continuité avec la délibération plutôt qu’en rupture avec celle-ci. / In this paper, we first study the case of international activism’s legitimacy. Accordinging to the liberal sovereignty principal, we show that it could be a problem to allow activists to protest on the international stage, as this would create a form of interference against the ones they target. But as we consider that the political pressure of interest groups is necessary to face major problems like the environmental issues, it seems important to us to advocate their work at the global level. To offer a defense of international activism, we base our position on the republican ideas of Philip Pettit for whom, political freedom would not be a non-interference, but a non-domination. After showing that some environmental issues can be understood as domination issues, we argue that international activism is not a necessarily a problem for the State’s sovereignty, but that it offers a protection against some form of ecological domination. In the second half of this paper, we study the legitimacy of the different means of pressure the activists can use to protest. As we keep the idea of freedom as non-domination, we will take our distances from Pettit’s thought of political contestatory. After criticizing the ideas of the deliberative democrats, we will initiate the reflection to find some new criterions that would legitimate some more radical means of pressure like direct actions and civil disobedience. We also offer an original thesis by suggesting that activism and deliberation should not be understood as opposites but rather as a continuum.