Lors des années 1930, la France fut frappée par une crise politique, économique et diplomatique qui dévoila de nombreuses divisions au sein de la société. Les journalistes français, cherchant une solution à la crise nationale, accordèrent un intérêt particulier à leur voisin d’outre-Rhin à la suite de la nomination d’Hitler comme chancelier d’Allemagne le 30 janvier 1933. Ce dernier profita de la faiblesse de la France pour remettre en question les clauses du traité de Versailles jusqu’au déclenchement de la Seconde Guerre mondiale le 1er septembre 1939. L’objectif de ce mémoire vise à mesurer la prise en compte du révisionnisme allemand par la presse nationale française de 1933 à 1939. Dans ce contexte, la perception de la presse face aux actions d’Hitler, ainsi que la façon dont son regard sera amené à se modifier ou non, sont intéressantes parce qu’elles révèlent le portrait que se faisaient les journaux français d’événements en Allemagne qui touchaient directement la France. En consultant des éditoriaux et des articles d’opinion de cinq quotidiens d’orientations politiques différentes, soit L’Action française, L’Humanité, Le Figaro, Le Petit Parisien et Le Temps, nous avons analysé l’opinion de la presse nationale sur la révision du traité de Versailles. Cette étude répond ainsi à un double débat historiographique montrant, d’une part, qu’il n’y avait pas d’aveuglement face aux visées révisionnistes d’Hitler au sein de la presse, et d’autre part, qu’il n’y eut aucun « redressement moral » de l’opinion française en 1939. La sauvegarde des clauses du traité de Versailles ainsi que du système versaillais devant maintenir l’équilibre européen polarisa la presse française et créa un sentiment national qui s’est révélé moins convaincu lors du déclenchement de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le révisionnisme allemand alimenta ainsi de profonds désaccords dans les quotidiens étudiés de 1933 à 1939. / During the 1930s, France was hit by a political, economic, and diplomatic crisis which revealed many divisions in society. French journalists, seeking a solution to the national crisis, showed a particular interest towards their neighbor across the Rhine after the nomination of Hitler as Chancellor of Germany on January 30th, 1933. Hitler took advantage of France’s weakness and divisions to question but also oppose and act against the clauses of the Treaty of Versailles until the outbreak of World War II on September 1st, 1939. The objective of this research is to analyze how the French national press reacted to German revisionism from 1933 to 1939. In this context, the press’ perception of Hitler’s actions and how its opinions changed (or not) over time reveals the ways in which French newspapers interpreted events in Germany that affected France itself. By consulting editorials and opinion articles from five daily newspapers of different political orientations, namely L’Action française, L’Humanité, Le Figaro, Le Petit Parisien and Le Temps, this memoire analyse the opinion of the French national press on the revision of the Treaty of Versailles. This study contributes to the historiography of the interwar period and France’s reaction to German aggression in two ways. First, it shows that the press was not blind to Hitler’s revisionist plan. It also demonstrates that the French press remained divided concerning the actions of Nazi Germany until 1939. The protection of the Treaty of Versailles’ clauses and its system, which maintained the balance of power in Europe, polarised the French press and created a weakened national feeling until the outbreak of World War II. German revisionism fuelled the disagreements in the daily newspapers studied from 1933 to 1939.

Ce mémoire porte sur le révisionnisme historique réalisé par Leonardo Padura dans son roman El hombre que amaba a los perros, publié en 2009. Cet écrivain, l’un des auteurs actuels les plus publiés et les plus récompensés du monde hispanique, utilise les figures historiques de León Trotsky et de son assassin, Ramón Mercader, pour raconter l’histoire inédite de Cuba à partir de l’arrivée au pouvoir de Fidel Castro, en janvier 1959. L’auteur se sert de la figure de Trotsky pour traiter certaines questions qui laissent entrevoir la décomposition du système révolutionnaire cubain. D’une part, Trotsky était un écrivain qui subissait de la censure, comme bon nombre d’écrivains et d’intellectuels cubains. D’autre part, c’était un soldat qui, après avoir participé à divers conflits, comme la révolution d’Octobre, fut rayé de l’histoire de son pays, condamné à l’exil, et finalement assassiné. Dans le présent travail, nous étudierons la manière dont la reconstruction et la déconstruction de l’histoire convergent en nous penchant sur les mouvements centrifuges et centripètes qu’elles comportent. Ainsi, nous verrons comment le texte littéraire, à travers la figure et les expériences d’un personnage non historique, reconstruit l’histoire de Cuba dans les années 70 et 80 en mettant en lumière la stalinisation du régime castriste et le désenchantement de ceux qui l’avaient initialement soutenu, entre autres de nombreux intellectuels et écrivains. / This dissertation focuses on Leonardo Padura’s historical revisionism in his 2009 novel El hombre que amaba a los perros. Padura, one of today’s most published and award-winning authors in the Hispanic world, has used the historical figures of Leon Trotsky and his assassin, Ramón Mercader, to present the untold story of Cuba from the time Fidel Castro gained power in January 1959. Padura uses Trotsky’s character to address a number of issues that point to the decomposition of the Cuban revolutionary system. On the one hand, Trotsky was a writer who suffered censorship, as did many Cuban writers and intellectuals. On the other hand, he was a soldier who, after being involved in various conflicts, such as the October Revolution, was erased from the history of his country, forced into exile, and ultimately assassinated. In this dissertation, we will examine how the reconstruction and deconstruction of history converge, focusing on the centrifugal and centripetal movements they comprise. We will see how the history of Cuba during the 1970s and 1980s is reconstructed in Padura’s literary work through a nonhistorical figure and his experiences, revealing the Stalinization of the Castro regime and the disenchantment of those who initially supported it, including many intellectuals and writers. / Este trabajo trata sobre la revisión histórica realizada por Leonardo Padura en la novela El hombre que amaba los perros publicada en el año 2009. Este escritor, uno de los autores actuales más publicados y premiados del mundo hispano, se ha ocupado de la figura histórica de León Trotsky y su asesino Ramón Mercader, para desde su historia proyectar la historia no contada de Cuba, luego de la llegada al poder de Fidel Castro en enero de 1959. La figura de Trotsky le sirve al autor para tratar un número de temas que apuntan a la descomposición del sistema revolucionario cubano. Por un lado, Trotsky fue un escritor que sufrió la censura, como tantos escritores e intelectuales cubanos. Por otro lado, también fue un militar que, luego de participar en diversos conflictos, como la Revolución de Octubre, fue borrado de la historia de su país, condenado al exilio y, finalmente, asesinado. El presente trabajo se centrará en el modo en que convergen la reconstrucción y la deconstrucción de la historia, atendiendo a los movimientos centrífugos y centrípetos que contienen. Así veremos cómo el texto literario, a través de la figura y de las experiencias de un personaje no histórico, va reconstruyendo la historia de Cuba durante los años 70 y 80, apuntando a la estalinización del régimen castrista y al desencanto de quienes lo habían apoyado inicialmente, entre ellos muchos intelectuales y escritores.

Abstract This thesis examines the various biographical threads, which created the complex fabric of Sergei Parajanov’s life and work, especially his films. His origins, education, marriages, family life, and friendships forged in film school and in the various studios, where he worked, are used to frame his cinematic productions. However, the most novel features of this study result from an examination of his letters from prison and the artistic output, drawings, collages, scripts/scenarios, assemblages, etc., created in the gulag and outside during the time that he was denied the right to make films. An argument is made that the Soviet authorities jailed him as a dissident although he never considered himself one, being rather simply an honest creative individual, who would not abide the censoring or redaction of his work. His homosexuality was the pretext for Soviet authorities to incarcerate him, but Parajanov’s queerness has been almost completely omitted from purportedly authoritative memoirs and biographies meant to capture the late filmmaker’s legacy. These publications written by Soviet and post-Soviet critics, Parajanov’s close friends, and numerous confidants make a deliberate effort to erase his self-professed queer identity. Foreign aficionados of his work, on the other hand, have little hesitancy acknowledging his queerness. My research centers on Parajanov’s queer identity as the underlying source of his bold and innovative artistic output.

Dès 1919, la France et l’Italie se tournent vers l’espace balkanique et danubien, issu de l’effondrement des empires multinationaux, pour assurer leur sécurité et leur puissance. Alors que la question adriatique éloigne les deux pays, ils trouvent un consensus provisoire sur l’Europe danubienne : ni Anschluss, ni confédération danubienne. Ce modus vivendi va cependant voler en éclats à partir de 1924, lorsque la volonté française de mieux organiser son système d’alliances rencontre le révisionnisme fasciste. L’une et l’autre puissance tentent de surmonter les difficultés internationales créées par le mouvement pour l’Anschluss, l’opposition de la Petite Entente et de la Hongrie, le statut de la Yougoslavie, mais la divergence de leurs représentations sur ce que devait être un concert européen rénové empêcha toute collaboration. Leur confrontation favorisa la déstabilisation de l’Europe balkanique et danubienne : le lien entre les deux phénomènes éclata au grand jour lors des négociations économiques pour la reconstruction de l’Europe entre 1931 et 1933. Dans le sillage de ces dernières, le Pacte à quatre fut conçu par la diplomatie française comme une occasion d’arrimer l’Italie à la vision française de l’organisation du continent, tandis que Mussolini en faisait la première étape d’un bouleversement de l’ordre issu des traités de paix : l’Europe balkanique et danubienne fut le grand enjeu tacite du Pacte à quatre. / By 1919, France and Italy look to the Balkan and Danubian Region, shaped by the collapse of multinational empires, to ensure their safety and power. While the Adriatic question drives away the two countries, they find a temporary consensus on Danubian Europe: neither Anschluss, nor Danubian confederation. This modus vivendi is however shattered in 1924 when the French desire to better organize its system of alliances meets fascist revisionism. Both powers try to overcome the difficulties created by the international movement for the Anschluss, the opposition of the Little Entente and Hungary, the status of Yugoslavia, but their divergent representations of what should be a renovated European concert prevent any collaboration. Their confrontation promotes the destabilization of the Balkans and the Danubian Region : the link between the two phenomenons breaks out in the open during the negotiations for the economic reconstruction of Europe between 1931 and 1933. In the wake of these, the Four Power Pact was designed by French diplomacy as an opportunity to tie Italy to the French vision of the organization of the continent, while Mussolini figures it as the first step in the disruption of the order created by the peace treaties: the Balkans and Danube was the great unspoken issue of the Four Power Pact.

The thesis deals with the Czechoslovakian philosophy in the nineteen-sixties. It focuses not only to its historical description but intends to enter its philosophical thinking from inside and analyse its principal categories. Especially it focuses on the category of work and examines its various formulations, developed in different theoretical perspectives of Czechoslovakian philosophers. This allows distinguish these perspectives in their similarities on one hand and differences on the other. The thesis notably focuses on so called "Hegelian movement" and its evaluation of category of work. This movement, which is in fact the Czechoslovakian variation to the philosophy of praxis, formulates the category of work in its philosophical meaning, i. e. as an ontological category decisive for an origin of the reality and human being. It was originally Hegel, who developed this meaning of category, and Czechoslovakian Hegelian movement continued in developing his ontology adopted through Marx. The Czech philosophers enriched it with aspects of socialistic humanism. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part explains historical conditions of philosophical scientific performance in Czechoslovakia. The second interprets the texts of Czechoslovakian Hegelian philosophers and their expositions of category...

The thesis deals with the Czechoslovakian philosophy in the nineteen-sixties. It focuses not only to its historical description but intends to enter its philosophical thinking from inside and analyse its principal categories. Especially it focuses on the category of work and examines its various formulations, developed in different theoretical perspectives of Czechoslovakian philosophers. This allows distinguish these perspectives in their similarities on one hand and differences on the other. The thesis notably focuses on so called "Hegelian movement" and its evaluation of category of work. This movement, which is in fact the Czechoslovakian variation to the philosophy of praxis, formulates the category of work in its philosophical meaning, i. e. as an ontological category decisive for an origin of the reality and human being. It was originally Hegel, who developed this meaning of category, and Czechoslovakian Hegelian movement continued in developing his ontology adopted through Marx. The Czech philosophers enriched it with aspects of socialistic humanism. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part explains historical conditions of philosophical scientific performance in Czechoslovakia. The second interprets the texts of Czechoslovakian Hegelian philosophers and their expositions of category...

This thesis examines the life and works of the English Calvinist clergyman Daniel Featley (1582-1645) through the lens of various printed and manuscript sources, especially his manuscript notebooks in Oxford. It links his story and thought to the broader themes of early Stuart religious, political, and intellectual history. Chapter one analyses the first thirty- five years of Featley’s life, exploring how many of the features that underpin the major themes of Featley’s career—and which reemerged throughout his life—were formed and nurtured during Featley’s early years in Oxford, Paris, and Cornwall. There he emerges as an ambitious young divine in pursuit of preferment; a shrewd minister, who attempted to position himself within the ecclesiastical spectrum; and a budding polemicist, whose polemical exchanges were motivated by a pastoral desire to protect the English Church. Chapter two examines Featley’s role as an ecclesiastical licenser and chaplain to Archbishop George Abbot in the 1610s and 1620s. It offers a reinterpretation of the view that Featley was a benign censor, explores how pastoral sensitivities influenced his censorship, and analyses the parallels between Featley’s licensing and his broader ecclesiastical aims. Moreover, by exploring how our historiographical understandings of licensing and censorship have been clouded by Featley’s attempts to conceal that an increasingly influential anti- Calvinist movement was seizing control of the licensing system and marginalizing Calvinist licensers in the 1620s, this chapter (along with chapter 7) addresses the broader methodological issues of how to weigh and evaluate various vantage points. Chapters three and four analyse the publications resulting from Featley’s debates with prominent Catholic and anti-Calvinist leaders. These chapters examine Featley’s use of patristic tradition in these disputes, the pastoral motivations that underpinned his polemical exchanges, and how Featley strategically issued these polemical publications to counter Catholicism and anti-Calvinism and to promulgate his own alternative version of orthodoxy at several crucial political moments during the 1620s and 1630s. Chapter five focuses on how, in the 1620s and 1630s, the themes of prayer and preaching in his devotional work, Ancilla Pietatis, and collection of seventy sermons, Clavis Mystica, were complementary rather than contradictory. It also builds on several of the major themes of the thesis by examining how pastoral and polemical motivations were at the heart of these works, how Featley continued to be an active opponent—rather than a passive bystander and victim—of Laudianism, and how he positioned himself politically to avoid being reprimanded by an increasingly hostile Laudian regime. Chapter six explores the theme of ‘moderation’ in the events of the 1640s surrounding Featley’s participation at the Westminster Assembly and his debates with separatists. It focuses on how Featley’s pursuit of the middle way was both: a self-protective ‘chameleon- like’ survival instinct—a rudder he used to navigate his way through the shifting political and ecclesiastical terrain of this period—and the very means by which he moderated and manipulated two polarized groups (decidedly convictional Parliamentarians and royalists) in order to reoccupy the middle ground, even while it was eroding away. Finally, chapter seven examines Featley’s ‘afterlife’ by analysing the reception of Featley through the lens of his post-1660 biographers and how these authors, particularly Featley’s nephew, John Featley, depicted him retrospectively in their biographical accounts in the service of their own post-restoration agendas. By analysing how Featley’s own ‘chameleon-like’ tendencies contributed to his later biographers’ distorted perception of him, this final chapter returns to the major methodological issues this thesis seeks to address. In short, by exploring the various roles he played in the early Stuart English Church and seeking to build on and contribute to recent historiographical research, this study sheds light on the links between a minister’s pastoral sensitivities and polemical engagements, and how ministers pursued preferment and ecclesiastically positioned themselves, their opponents, and their biographical subjects through print.