Analysis of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and their actions in the 1970s and 1980s offer insight into their use of just war theory in their conflict with the British government and ultra-loyalist Protestant forces in Northern Ireland. The historiography of Irish history is defined by its phases of nationalism, revisionism, and anti-revisionism that cloud the historical narrative of imperialism and insurgency in the North. Applying just war theory to this history offers a more nuanced understanding of the conflict of the Troubles and the I.R.A.’s usage of this framework in their ideology that guided their terrorism in the latter half of the twentieth century. The murders of influential members of British society and the I.R.A.’s statements on these events further posit just war theory as a guiding force of this group. In 1980-1981 the I.R.A. staged hunger strikes in the H Block of Long Kesh Prison and the writings of their leader Bobby Sands continued their use of just war theory in their efforts to be granted Special Category Status. This work concludes that the I.R.A. utilized just war theory throughout this period and that it was a guiding force of their ideology. It contributes a more nuanced analysis of just war theory and its applications to the I.R.A.’s struggles against the British. Ultimately, it demonstrates how this theory was used by this insurgent movement to claim legitimacy, defend their actions, and frame their anti-imperialist movement as a necessary means to combatting British forces.

Ryssland har efter det Kalla krigets slut fört en undanskymd roll på den internationella arenan.Efter Sovjetunionens kollaps var Ryssland för svagt för att överta dess roll som globalstormakt. Det bipolära världssystemet ersattes av ett unipolärt system med USA som ensamglobal stormakt. På senare tid har dock Ryssland börjat visa alltmer självförtroende i sittinternationella agerande. Frågan uppstår då om landet har en ambition att åter bli en globalstormakt. Studien syftar till att undersöka om Ryssland har dessa ambitioner. Studien har sinteoretiska grund i den politiska realismen och utgår från hypotesen att Ryssland har klaraambitioner att åter bli en global stormakt och att dessa ambitioner kommer att visa sig ilandets ageranden inom de militära, politiska och ekonomiska sektorerna. Genom att förstdefiniera revisionism och stormakt analyseras därefter Rysslands internationella agerandeinom dessa sektorer. I analysen visar Ryssland tydliga ambitioner att återta en roll som globalstormakt helt i linje med hypotesen. / Russia has after the end of the Cold war played a hidden role at the international arena. Afterthe collapse of the Soviet union Russia was to week to takeover its role as a global greatpower. The bipolar world system was replaced by a unipolar system with the USA as singleglobal great power. Lately however Russia has started to show more self confidence in itsinternational acting. The question then arises if the country has the ambition to once againbecome a global great power. This study aims to examine if Russia has these ambitions. Thestudy has its theoretical base in the political realism and assumes from the hypothesis thatRussia has clear ambitions to once again become a global great power and that theseambitions will be shown in the country’s acting within the military, political and economicsectors. By first define revisionism and great power Russia’s international acting is thenanalyzed within these sectors. In the analysis Russia shows clear ambitions to recapture a roleas a global great power in according to the hypothesis.

This dissertation centers on the realization that history evolves and is never complete because the past is elusive and perceptions sway as society changes. Throughout the turn to the twenty-first century, Spain has been moving from resistance to remembrance with regard to individual, cultural and governmental interest in the Civil War and dictatorship of the twentieth century. During the transition to democracy after General Francisco Franco’s death on November 20th, 1975, the reunified government opted to forget the divisive past with the unofficial Pacto de Olvido. Despite this impulse toward resistance, the urge for remembrance at a personal and social level evolved into a, nationwide debate. On December 26th, 2007, the incumbent Congress of Deputies enacted La Ley de Memoria Histórica, a law that mandates attention to previously denied history. In essence, this controversial ruling seeks to promote remembrance of both sides of the Civil War. Contemporary literature, media and film have long been involved in this deeply political and personal work. From the multitude of options, this project selected five renowned texts published between 1992 and 2005. The authors of Autobiografía del General Franco (1992), La voz dormida (2002), El lápiz del carpintero (1998), Enterrar a los muertos (2005), and Soldados de Salamina (2001) belong to what Marienne Hirsch defines as the postmemory generation, the one born following a national trauma. These writers do not have the privileged position of immediate contact with survivors, yet emotional and temporal distance from the events narrated empowers these Spanish authors to create nuanced, literary depictions of war and post-war experiences. In their texts, these writers challenge accepted history, poetically weave a collective memory based on testimonies, illuminate idealistic differences, counter-balance hope with horror, and narrate the transformative experience of historical research. By engaging with the past from the perspective of the present, their narrators articulate the tension between resistance and remembrance. The texts studied here offer five contrastive representations of ways in which versions of history are alternately censured or suppressed, and subsequently unearthed and refashioned in collective and official memory as political power and narrative agency are transformed in an ever-changing society. / text

The Japanese government has a vested interest in either avoiding discussion of its war-torn past or arguing for a revisionist take. The need to play up Japanese victimization over Japanese aggression during World War II has led to many museums having their exhibits censored or revised to fit this narrative goal. During the 1990’s, Japan’s national discourse was more open to discussions of war crimes and the damage caused by their aggression. This in turn led to the creation of many “peace museums” that are intended to discuss and confront this history as frankly as possible. At the beginning of the 21st century, public discourse turned against these museums and only private museums have avoided censorship. Some museums, like the Osaka International Peace Center, have been devastated by the censorship. This museum and other museums with similar narrative issues raise questions about appropriate narrative on display. What is appropriate to censor for the sake of respect for the dead? What must be included for the sake of historical accuracy and honesty about the past? These questions are investigated at four different peace museums throughout Japan.

Tandis qu’elle accède à son indépendance, l’Irlande voit émerger une nouvelle génération d’écrivains soucieux de promouvoir une littérature dite « réaliste ». Ce réalisme, qui peut d’abord s’appréhender comme une forme d’anti-idéalisme, est inspiré par des motivations certes littéraires, mais également politiques et identitaires. Par là, sa démarche rejoint celle d’un mouvement, plus tard qualifié de révisionniste, qui se dessine en histoire au même moment avec l’ambition de rééquilibrer les représentations d’une historiographie nationaliste. Ainsi, parallèlement à leurs ouvrages de fictions, nombre de ces écrivains réalistes, parmi lesquels Sean O’Faolain, choisissent-ils d’aborder l’histoire par le biais de la biographie historique. Située à la frontière de l’histoire et de la littérature, celle-ci répond tant à des enjeux littéraires, permettant à des auteurs frustrés par une censure institutionnelle de laisser libre cours à leur sensibilité artistique, qu’à des considérations historiographiques. S’infiltrant dans les biographies, imposant son propre tempo, la fiction participe de la révision de l’histoire. En retour, les biographies, par-delà leur fonction de refuge, constituent de véritables laboratoires dans lesquels le biographe élabore des antidotes aux maux qui rongent la fiction en même temps qu’il y forge les pièces maîtresses de son réalisme. Ainsi, alors que le personnage biographique constitue le vecteur privilégié de toutes les tensions politiques et littéraires dont l’auteur tâche de se défaire, l’esthétique réaliste mûrit au fil de paysages biographiques densifiés par l’histoire. Après avoir dû cohabiter avec la fiction et avec le témoignage, la biographie reprend ses droits et conditionne la fiction réaliste de façon décisive, jusqu’à en redéfinir les thèmes, le fonctionnement et la forme. / The period after independence in Ireland saw the emergence of a new generation of writers eager to promote a literature described as ‘realist’. This realism, which can be understood as a form of anti-idealism, was inspired by literary motivations, but also by motives that were both political and identity driven. In this, it was in tune with the approach of a historiographical movement of the same period, later qualified as revisionism, which aimed at nuancing the dominant nationalist narrative of history. In parallel to their works of fiction, a number of realist writers, including Sean O’Faolain, chose to approach history from the angle of historical biography. Situated at the frontier between history and literature, these biographies were at once historiographical and literary in their intentions, thus giving authors, who were hampered by the censorship regime in place, an avenue of expression in which they could give free rein to their literary sensibilities. On the other hand, fiction, by infiltrating the biographies, and by imposing its tempo, contributed to some extent to the revising of history. Beyond their function as refuge, the biographies can be seen as a laboratory in which the biographer elaborates antidotes to the ills that afflict fictional writing of the period while at the same time perfecting key set pieces of his realist fiction. The biographical character concentrates within him the political and literary tensions of which the author is seeking to divest himself. His realist aesthetic matures as the realist landscapes become ever more steeped in history and bring more realist representations to his fiction. Biography having accommodated fiction and memory in turn permeates the realist fiction in a decisive way, to the point of redefining its themes, its functioning and its form.

In his 1962 paper “Freedom and Resentment," Peter Strawson attempts to reconcile incompatibilism and compatibilism about moral responsibility and determinism. First, I present the error committed by the proponents of both these traditional views, which Strawson diagnoses as the source of their standoff, and the remedy Strawson offers to avoid the conflict. Second, I reconstruct the two arguments Strawson offers for a theory of moral responsibility that is based on his proposed remedy. Third, I present and respond to two proposed problems for the Strawsonian theory: moral luck and revisionism. I conclude with a summary of my defense of Strawsonian “expressivism” about moral responsibility, and offer suggestions for further research.

In this thesis two &ldquo / western modern state&rdquo / and three Ottoman &ldquo / state tradition&rdquo / scholars (Gianfranco Poggi, Christopher Pierson, Serif Mardin, Metin Heper and &Ccedil / aglar Keyder) are elaborated in the way how they write the the history for their theorization attempts. The specially emphasized processes in these histories are asserted to be reconstructed as the sources of an &ldquo / idealized&rdquo / -type that is assumed to be fulfilled by &ldquo / the West&rdquo / and should also be followed by &ldquo / the rest&rdquo / . The description of this form of a state entails a covert expectation on the requirement of an effective, limited but primarily strong state. Since the mainstream historical knowledge builds the foundations of both our academic studies and daily political arguments, it should be subjected to a critique. And state theory should be rethought with comparative and alternative perspectives. This work does not only trace the histories of political development constituted on &ldquo / modernization revisionist&rdquo / and &ldquo / state traditional&rdquo / theses, it also aims to cast new perspectives for the theorization of state-formation momentums and mechanisms by making a potpourri from some alternative readings of historical theses. As a result some central debates are brought into the picture on the historical transformation of state-society relationships. Along with the attempts for more comprehensive thinking exersizes on the states, theorization does not deal with two separate states or separate narratives of the the history but rather with the experiences thought together and watched through the different forms they takes in each particular historical momentums.

In this thesis two &ldquo / western modern state&rdquo / and three Ottoman &ldquo / state tradition&rdquo / scholars (Gianfranco Poggi, Christopher Pierson, Serif Mardin, Metin Heper and &Ccedil / aglar Keyder) are elaborated in the way how they write the the history for their theorization attempts. The specially emphasized processes in these histories are asserted to be reconstructed as the sources of an &ldquo / idealized&rdquo / -type that is assumed to be fulfilled by &ldquo / the West&rdquo / and should also be followed by &ldquo / the rest&rdquo / . The description of this form of a state entails a covert expectation on the requirement of an effective, limited but primarily strong state. Since the mainstream historical knowledge builds the foundations of both our academic studies and daily political arguments, it should be subjected to a critique. And state theory should be rethought with comparative and alternative perspectives. This work does not only trace the histories of political development constituted on &ldquo / modernization revisionist&rdquo / and &ldquo / state traditional&rdquo / theses, it also aims to cast new perspectives for the theorization of state-formation momentums and mechanisms by making a potpourri from some alternative readings of historical theses. As a result some central debates are brought into the picture on the historical transformation of state-society relationships. Along with the attempts for more comprehensive thinking exersizes on the states, theorization does not deal with two separate states or separate narratives of the the history but rather with the experiences thought together and watched through the different forms they takes in each particular historical momentums.

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010. / Title from screen (viewed on July 29, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, Daniella Kostroun, Giles R. Hoyt. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-94).

La littérature artistique française du XIXe siècle est bipolaire dans sa représentation de l’introduction de l’italianisme en France. Entre décadence du génie français et célébration de la rénovation architecturale opérée par des agents de la Péninsule, rares se font les positions nuancées. La figure de Léon Palustre marque le paysage historiographique de l’époque par une approche dialectique aboutissant à une synthèse réconciliant les styles. Le présent travail analyse les topoï d’une historiographie où le récit événementiel, la rhétorique et l’attributionnisme postulent une symbiose entre Renaissance et génie national / Nineteenth century’s French artistic literature states a dualism in its representation of Italian forms’ appearance in France. Nuanced opinions were rare in between those who pretended the decadence of French genius and those who, contrariwise, extolled the architectural renovation carried out by agents of the Peninsula. Léon Palustre distinguished himself in the historiographical landscape by a dialectical approach generating a reconciling synthesis of styles. This work analyses the topos of a dissertation where history, rhetoric and attributionnism postulate a symbiosis between Renaissance and national genius