Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2017-09-15T20:48:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno_G_Paixao_2016.pdf: 1164880 bytes, checksum: 97db570bb8e67b9cb78b7a7cc6cfb52c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-15T20:48:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno_G_Paixao_2016.pdf: 1164880 bytes, checksum: 97db570bb8e67b9cb78b7a7cc6cfb52c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This thesis analyzes the essentiality that permeates the politics dimension of Marx. Understanding essence as predominant features of a way of being or category try to demonstrate here that the politics, in all the Marxian works, has a negative character. This interpretive filter assumes, not a purely conceptual analysis of the category alluded above, as ethereal form, but his connection with the materiality of life, that is to say as part of a historical development of social relations of production. In this sense, the alleged discussion will seek the DNA of the Politics in the emergence of private property as a necessary element of mediation of the class struggle that begins with such sociability. The politics comes as social power usurped as a dimension that appears to regulate the relations of domination of one class over the other, always acting for the deactivation of the social, thus having an essentially negative character. This Marxian finding breaks with the perspective of the philosophical tradition where the policy appears as an intrinsic dimension to be social, and therefore, the development of the latter would be coupled to the first, that is all output to humanity's problems could only be solved in the framework and improving the policy. For Marx, on the contrary, improved policy is to prolong any sociability built on the pillars of social classes, keeping intact the exploitation of man by man. The solution to overcoming such relational status between men, according to Marx, it is the political revolution of social soul, thus opposing to any previous revolutionary attempt that for the German thinker, they were social revolutions of political soul. Beyond the simple exchange of words in position, the concept of revolution is central to the Marxian work it points to overcome the political emancipated society. / Esta dissertação pretende analisar a essencialidade que perpassa a dimensão da política em Marx. Entendendo essência enquanto características predominantes de uma forma de ser ou de uma categoria, tentará demonstrar aqui que a Política, no conjunto das obras marxianas, possui um caráter negativo. Esse filtro interpretativo parte da premissa, não de uma análise puramente conceitual da categoria aludida acima, como forma etérea, e sim de sua ligação com a materialidade da vida, ou seja, como parte de um desenvolvimento histórico das relações sociais de produção. Nesse sentido, a pretensa discussão buscará o DNA da Política no surgimento da propriedade privada, enquanto elemento necessário de mediação da luta de classes que se inicia com tal sociabilidade. A política surge enquanto energia social usurpada, como uma dimensão que aparece para regular as relações de domínio de uma classe sobre a outra, agindo sempre para a desefetivação do ser social, possuindo assim, um caráter essencialmente negativo. Essa constatação marxiana rompe com a perspectiva da tradição filosófica onde a política aparece enquanto dimensão intrínseca ao ser social, e por isso, o desenvolvimento deste último estaria atrelado ao da primeira, ou seja, toda saída para os problemas da humanidade só poderiam ser resolvidos no âmbito e no aprimoramento da política. Para Marx, ao contrário, aperfeiçoar a política é prolongar qualquer sociabilidade erigida sobre os pilares das classes sociais, mantendo intacta a exploração do homem pelo homem. A saída para a superação de tal estado relacional entre os homens, segundo Marx, é a revolução política de alma social, contrapondo assim a toda e qualquer tentativa revolucionária anterior, que para o pensador alemão, foram revoluções sociais de alma política. Para além da simples troca na posição das palavras, tal conceito de revolução é central na obra marxiana, pois aponta para a superação da política numa sociabilidade emancipada.

O trabalho apresenta inicialmente os conceitos clássicos de rolamento (sem escorregamento e sem pivotamento) de uma superfície sobre outra usando os triedros de Darboux das duas superfícies ao longo das respectivas curvas de contato. Mostra, ainda, a equivalência desses conceitos com outras definições. A seguir, estuda-se a controlabilidade no problema do rolamento de uma esfera sobre uma superfície S de revolução, tanto no caso de rolar sem escorregar como no caso de não escorregar e não pivotar; a controlabilidade visa determinar a atingibilidade entre dois 'estados' da esfera (posição em S e orientação), isto é, de elementos do espaço das configurações S×SO(3). Na seqüência, estabelecem-se condições nos controles para que os rolamentos sem escorregamento e sem pivotamento ocorram sobre geodésicas de S e obtém-se, também, a controlabilidade nesta situação. Finalmente, verifica-se que, quando S é um plano, 3 ou 4 rolamentos retilíneos, sem escorregamento e sem pivotamento, são suficientes para garantir a atingibilidade entre dois “estados” da esfera. / This work starts by presenting the classical concepts of rolling (without slipping and without slipping or twisting) of a surface over another one, using the Darboux referential frames of the two surfaces along their contact curves. It shows the equivalence between these concepts with other definitions. In the sequel one studies the controllability in the rolling problem of a ball over a surface of revolution S, including both: the non slipping and the non slipping or twisting cases; controllability aims to determine the reachability between two 'states'of the ball (position on S and orientation), that is, two elements of the configuration space S × SO(3). It follows by establishing conditions on controls in order that the rollings occur along geodesics of S and by studying the controllability in this situation. Finally, it is shown that if S is the plane, 3 or 4 retilinear moves without slipping or twisting are enough to guarantee reachability between two states of the ball.

O tema desta dissertação de mestrado é a controvérsia sobre os direitos civis e políticos das mulheres na França revolucionária , suscitada pela atuação cívica vigorosa das militantes políticas nos seis primeiros anos da Revolução - 1789-1795. Essas mulheres adquiriram uma visibilidade dramática ao participar maciçamente do movimento revolucionário, organizar-se em clubes políticos e exercer na prática alguns dos direitos de cidadania reservados ao sexo masculino. Seus direitos cívicos foram recusados, mas, pela primeira vez o assunto foi debatido e as autoridades tiveram que justificar a exclusão publicamente. O objetivo da pesquisa é estudar como as mulheres do povo conseguiram participar tão ativamente da vida política nacional no período inicial da Revolução e as razões pelas quais foram afastadas da cena pública. Estudarei a questão através das categorias práticas e representações, focalizando a atuação das militantes, e as imagens de mulheres nos espaços públicos e privados. Três grupos femininos emblemáticos serão considerados: as mães republicanas, as militantes políticas e as mulheres-soldados. A militância será analisada em duas vertentes principais: as jornadas revolucionárias começando pela Marcha a Versalhes em 1789 e a atuação de clubes femininos como a Sociedade das Republicanas Revolucionárias. As ativistas foram derrotadas junto com o último levante popular em Prairial do ano III. Razões políticas e culturais explicam porque as mulheres foram mal recebidas na arena política nacional. O capítulo da Iconografia apresenta 37 imagens de alegorias, caricaturas e cenas de acontecimentos da Revolução que ajudam a compreender o comportamento que se esperava das mulheres decentes: a maternidade com a dimensão cívica da educação dos futuros patriotas e a dedicação exclusiva ao lar. A moral republicana exigia que cada um cumprisse o seu papel na família e no corpo político. Era preciso manter a diferenciação das funções dos sexos: as mulheres deviam governar a casa e os homens o país. As militantes queriam ser mulheres livres, armarse, agir com independência , mas a maioria dos homens achava que eram usurpadoras das atribuições masculinas. A iconografia mostra modelos de comportamentos femininos virtuosos: deusas representando a nação porque estavam acima dos conflitos ou mães abnegadas, caridosas e heróicas. As que freqüentavam as tribunas das assembléias se transformavam nas terríveis \"tricoteiras\". As militantes foram toleradas enquanto foram úteis quando fizeram oposição aos jacobinos foram reprimidas em nome dos princípios morais que sustentavam a República. / The subject of this Master\'s thesis is the controversy about civil and political rights of women in revolutionary France, sparked by the vigorous female militancy in the early years of the Revolution 1789-1795. These women became dramatically visible when they massively joined the revolutionary movement, organized in political clubs and exercized some exclusively male citizenship rights. Their political rights of citizenship were denied , but for the first time the issue was debated and government officials had to publicly justify their decision. The objective of this research is to study how working-class women managed to participate so actively in national politics in the initial period of the Revolution and the reasons that led to their being banned from the public scene. I will explore the subject from the perspective of women\'s practices and representations, meaning the militants\' civic actions and women\'s images in the public and private spheres. This paper will focus on three main groups of women: republican mothers, political activists and women soldiers. Their political involvement will be considered from the standpoint of their participation in insurrectionary journées, such as the March to Versailles, and membership in women\'s political clubs, such as the parisian Society of Revolutionary Republicans. The militant citoyennes were defeated in the last popular uprising of Prairial, Year III. Political and cultural factors explain why women\'s intervention in national politics was not welcomed. The chapter on representations discusses a repertoire of 37 alegories , caricatures and revolutionary events that help understand the kind of behaviour expected of decent women: civic motherhood, whose aim was to nurture and educate future patriots and an exclusive devotion to domestic duties. Republican morals required that everyone fulfilled their proper role in the family and in public life. It was necessary to maintain the cultural norms of gender differentiation : women managed the household and men ruled the country. Militants wanted to be \"free women\", that is, bear arms, and act independently , but most men thought that activists were \"stepping out of their sex\" and usurping male roles. The iconography fosters virtuous feminine behaviour: lofty goddesses representing the nation because they stood above conflict; or self-sacrificing, charitable and heroic mothers. The women who regularly attended the Assembly galleries became despicable \"knitters\". Militant women were tolerated while useful but when they became political adversaries, they were repressed in the name of the essential moral principles of the Republic

Le serment constitue un instrument privilégié pour étalonner la prégnance du domaine religieux alliée à l'instabilité du contexte politique qui caractérise la période Moderne (XVIe-XVIIIe). Il apparaît ainsi que les époques particulièrement troublées que représentent les guerres de religion puis la Révolution française connaissent un emploi permanent du serment destiné prioritairement à renforcer la solidité des liens et des accords. L'utilisation de l'institution connaît une évolution sans précédent dès les guerres de religion, mettant ainsi en lumière la nécessité d'exprimer une adhésion idéologique au côté de la traditionnelle garantie de fidélité. Durant cette période douloureuse et tout particulièrement son épilogue, le serment dessine une unité nationale désormais articulée prioritairement autour du lien politique, la dimension religieuse, bien que demeurant fondamentale, passant alors au second plan. La Révolution quant à elle, constitue l'âge d'or du serment d'adhésion, qui permet à « l'homme nouveau » d'apporter la sacralité indispensable à la régénération à une société qu'il veut déchristianisée. Au cours de cette période, le serment joue un rôle d'exclusion tout en servant de fondement à la répression révolutionnaire. Surtout, l'institution recèle des effets destructeurs, même lorsqu'elle est censée constituer l'outil créateur de la nouvelle Cité. Le recours au serment durant les périodes considérées met donc en lumière une construction de l'Etat Moderne par une sacralisation de la politique. Toutefois, l'essence même de l'institution résidant dans ses racines religieuses, un serment laïc ou servant de fondement à une société strictement laïque ne saurait exister sous peine de devenir vide de sens ou de se muer en une simple promesse. / The oath represents a key instrument for calibrating the prominence of the religious sphere combined with the political situation that characterizes the early modern period (16th-18th century). Thus, it appears that particularly troubled times -religious wars, then the French revolution- present a regular use of the oath, primarily intended to reinforce the solidity of bonds and agreements. The use of the institution experiences an unprecedented evolution as early as the religious wars, thus highlighting the need to express ideological allegiance along with the traditional guarantee of loyalty. During that painful period and especially at its conclusion, the oath conveys a national unity now primarily revolving around the political bond; the religious dimension, although still fundamental receding into the background. The Revolution is a golden age for the oath of allegiance, which enables “the new man” to provide the indispensable sanctity for the regeneration of the society he wishes to be dechristianized. During the period, the oath plays the role of exclusion while laying a foundation for the revolutionary repression. Above all, the institution conceals destructive effects, even when it is supposed to be the building tool of the new City. Resorting to the oath during the periods currently presented emphasizes the building of the Modern State through a sacralization of politics. However, as the very essence of the institution lies in its religious roots, an oath, either secular or laying the foundation of a strictly secular society may not exist without risking becoming meaningless or turned into a mere promise.

En décembre 1881, une jeune Irlandaise arriva au Caire avec son mari. Elle avait déjà beaucoup lu sur Urabi, mais c'est au Caire qu'elle eut de la chance d'avoir rencontré le nationaliste égyptien qui se révoltait activement contre le régime de Khedive et contre l'intervention britannique. Cette jeune femme était Lady Augusta Gregory, généralement connue en tant que dramaturge et folkloriste, et surtout comme la cofondatrice de l'Abbey Theatre, avec W.B. Yeats. La présente thèse prend comme point de départ cette note de l'échange entre deux nations en train de se libérer de la domination de l'Empire britannique, aussi bien que leur trajet commun qui consiste en se définir et se comprendre à travers le rôle que le théâtre joue au fil de ce parcours. Notre étude prend donc en considération l'Irlande, avec son nationalisme culturel et son théâtre politiquement engagé, en tant qu'étude de cas à comparer avec la place du théâtre en Égypte dans les années 1960. Dans ce contexte, l'étude se fonde sur l'hypothèse que, grâce à sa capacité performative, le théâtre se dote du pouvoir de s'engager dans la politique de son temps et, en quelque sorte, de s’y imposer son influence. Elle explore notamment les pièces égyptiennes et irlandaises de la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle afin d'analyser le rôle du théâtre et du spectacle, actuel et potentiel, à l'égard du champ politique, tant dans ce contexte particulier que sous d'autres angles. En étudiant les œuvres de Tawfiq al-Hakim, Mikhail Roman, Yusuf Idris et Salah Abdul-Saboor, aussi bien que celles de Brian Friel, Frank McGuinness et Samuel Beckett, la présente thèse non seulement tente de cartographier l'esthétique politique des temps incertains et des lieux apparemment disparates, mais elle envisage également les dynamiques de la révolte en tant que mise en scène de par sa nature, ce qui révèle la pertinence de l’étude par rapport aux expériences du monde contemporain. / In December 1881, a young Irish woman arrived in Cairo with her husband. She had already read much about Urabi, but in Cairo she had a chance to meet the Egyptian nationalist, who was actively revolting against the Khedive’s rule and Western, especially British, intervention in the region. This young woman was Lady Augusta Gregory, most famous for her role as a dramatist and folklorist, and most importantly as a co-founder of the Abbey theatre with W.B. Yeats. This dissertation starts on that note of exchange between two nations trying to liberate themselves from the British Empire and is especially interested in the role of the theatre in the process. The thesis, thus, looks at Ireland with its cultural nationalism and its politically engaged theatre as a case study and compares it to the role of the theatre in Egypt in the 1960s. It begins with the assumption that theatre with its performative capacity has the power to engage with and to an extent affect the politics of its day. As such it explores plays from Egypt and Ireland in the second half of the 20th century in order to look into the role theatre and performance have played and can potentially play in politics, in these specific contexts and beyond. By examining works by Tawfiq al-Hakim, Mikhail Roman, Yusuf Idris, and Salah Abdul-Saboor, alongside Brian Friel, Frank McGuinness and, of course, Samuel Beckett, this dissertation helps map not only the political aesthetics of unsteady times and seemingly disparate places, but it also reflects on the dynamics of revolt as a staged act in and of itself, which highlights its relevance to our contemporary world.

Since the achievement of independence, Mexican officials looked for ways to bring together a country of many disparate parts into a single modern nation. Indeed, like their neighbors to the north, many officials supported programs to forge disciplined, productive, and selfless citizens capable of guiding the country in the future through cutting-edge educational programs. When a nearly fifty-year period of civil war and instability came to an end with the rise of dictator-president Porfirio Diaz (1876-1911), the general promoted the first sports programs to toughen up and straighten out a citizenry his cabinet believed had weakened in the country's many refurbished cities. These programs were, nevertheless, exclusionary in practice. The "Indian Problem," as many public officials called it, remained a primary concern as the supposed natural backwardness of the masses was interpreted as a societal disease that, for many, had no known cure. Diaz's presidency, which directed money and attention to wealthy urban centers to the detriment of the countryside, came to end when the masses rose with workers and women to take the government. This social revolution, which began in 1910, was the first in the world and brought to power a generation of idealistic leaders from all walks of life. These leaders took on the country's most desperate problems with creative cultural programs that were often guided by science. For revolutionaries, sports became a primary means of transforming the disparate masses into ideal athlete-citizens under a mestizo-aesthetic that were enlightened by science and willing to sacrifice personal ambition for the greater good. Officials from the military, public health, and education sectors crafted plans to mold citizens based on their visions of the revolution, but women and indigenous people did as well. In some ways these programs failed to meet the lofty expectations of the most idealistic leaders. In others, the revolutionary sports programs were among the most successful government programs created. The work completed between 1920 and 1946 in sports culture and physical education set the stage for some of the country’s greatest sports accomplishments that followed, including winning the right to host the Pan-American Games in 1955 and the Olympics in 1968. Scholars have debated the importance of sports in politics and society for decades, but even though Mexican historians have extensively analyzed revolutionary cultural programs, study on sports has been relegated to a footnote. This dissertation argued that sports were, in fact, considered a primary means of transforming the supposedly backwards masses into ideal citizens for officials in nearly all official departments.

Sade has had many titles over the centuries. He was ‘Marquis’, a noblesse d’épée, sitting in his château atop Lacoste; ‘Wolf-man’, on the run from the authorities, a cause célèbre for his notorious sexual adventures; ‘Citizen’, a turncoat royalist, a functionary within the bureaucracy of the new French Assembly, eulogizer of the revolutionary heroes, Marat and Le Pelletier; and ‘Divine’, a patron saint of Romantic poets like Flaubert and Baudelaire, and later, the same for the Surrealists. Sade has yet to be given the name: ‘Scientist’. In my dissertation I lay out the ground work for defending this choice of designation by situating Sade and a sampling of his works within a defining period in the history of the object of scientific inquiry: from the eve of the 1789 French Revolution until its dénouement following the death of Robespierre. The three works of focus are Les 120 Journées (1785), Aline et Valcour, ou le Roman philosophique (1795) and La Philosophie dans le Boudoir (1795); and each one is strategically selected to bring to light singular events, marking important changes in humankind’s relationship with the natural world. This intense focus on Sade magnifies many times over the position Foucault had already assigned him in Les Mots et les chose (1966) when, in offering his own version of the evolution of the object of scientific inquiry from the Classical to the Modern Age, he isolates Sade as a heuristic bridge linking the two eras of his focus, using Sade’s erotic novels Justine (1791) and Juliette (1797) to support his argument. However overly pithy Foucault’s application of Sade may have been, it is felt that he lays a sufficient groundwork, one that I take up in my dissertation and push to even further depths. More than simply conforming to Foucault’s employment of Sade as the “midwife” to Modern science, I do two things of notable difference: 1) I take up the challenge Foucault set in the “Foreword to the English Edition” of Les Mots et les chose when he professes “embarrassment” over not being able to account for how “[…] instruments, techniques, institutions…” (p. xiii) of empirical sciences came to match in complexity those individuals and societies that would come to use them. On the one side, Foucault expresses a clear limitation; on the other, he offers up what he believes is half of what it takes to get at this limitation: “I left the problem of cause to one side. I chose instead to confine myself to describing the transformation themselves, thinking that this would be an indispensable step if, one day, a theory of scientific change and epistemological causality was to be constructed” (p. xiv). This dissertation offers up a heuristic framework to account for the relationship between both these sides Foucault can only adumbrate: the side of an emergent scientific knowledge and the ontological status of the producers of this knowledge. 2) I position Sade as a representative of an older scientific tradition, one overshadowed in Foucault’s emphasis on Sade and Modern science. Since Iwan Bloch compared Les 120 Journées to Psychopathia Sexualis, Richard von Krafft-Ebing’s 1886 manual of sexology, dedicated to documenting qualitatively all possible sexual deviancies in human behavior, most readings of Sade in the History of Science have taken him to be on the modern most end of the timeline of the History of Science (Foucault, 1966; Harari and Pellegrin, 1973; Morris, 1990; Vila, 1998; Polat, 2000; Quinlan, 2006; Quinlan, 2013). Some writers in recent years, however, have had the acuity to highlight older scientific influences on Sade’s oeuvre. Armelle St-Martin is one such example, who has written extensively on the influence of Italian science on Sade. Such a focus is a departure from a trend that sees English empiricism defining the scientific mindset in France that, it is believed, would have influenced Sade’s ideas. This would have included the “spirit of exactitude and method” (p. 91) D’Alembert (1751) speaks of in his panegyrics of Bacon, Locke and Newton in Discours préliminaire de l’Encyclopédie de Diderot or Voltaire’s popularization (1763) of all things English in Dictionnaire philosophique. The legacies of both these perspectives have weighed heavily on Caroline Warman’s reading of Sade, who sees him (2002) through a more “positive” prism of “sensationist materialism” in Sade: from materialism to pornography. St- Martin sees Sade’s scientific orientation directed rather towards much older and ulterior forms of scientific “objects”, ones much less “positive”. Casamaggi and St-Martin see pneumatological themes like miasmas and corruptions in Histoire de Juliette, arriving from Sade’s own explorations in such places as amongst the swamps and famously licentious denizen of Venice, the namesake for that special contagion: “maladies vénériennes”. Both these departures from Foucault’s conceptualization imply the need to articulate what I call a “negative” trajectory within the History of Science. This term plays an important part in how I engage with Sade and his contemporaries and its explication constitutes a significant aim throughout the course of my dissertation. Sade’s own inquiry into the object of scientific inquiry came at a time of great upheaval and he relied on one approach hitherto capable of articulating such “negativity”: metaphysics. The very notion of metaphysics was anathema for many, such as D’Alembert who even labeled it a despicable science in the relevant entry in L’encyclopédie de Diderot. This dissertation will situate Sade within this battle over the future of science in what was that all crucial period of history when the die was cast in favor of Modern science and its penchant for “positivity”; the period of the French Revolution.

M.A. / With the exception of the Western Sahara, Eritrea was the only African country to have been permanently occupied by another African country after the Second World War, when the concept of self-determination had been widely recognised and accepted. Despite the illegality of the Ethiopian annexation, the conflict in Eritrea was largely under-reported in the Western media, especially in the 70s and 80s. There were also few protests from the international community, especially African states and their leaders, many of whom viewed the conflict in Eritrea as a secessionist problem. The Organisation of African Unity was founded in Addis Ababa in 1963 and Ethiopia had a particularly prestigious position in Africa. During three decades the Eritrean nationalists conducted a war of liberation with no parallel in Africa and one which can only been compared to the Vietnamese struggle against French and American domination. The war in Eritrea was a protracted conflict that involved many thousands of soldiers, foreign military advisors and heavy military equipment on the Ethiopian side and a much smaller fighting force on the Eritrean side, which only had the support of the civilian population. This mini-thesis looks into those socio-economic aspects that enabled Eritrea's most efficient and resilient liberation front, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front, EPLF, to mobilise the Eritrean population around the goal of national liberation. The study pays particular attention to how the EPLF obtained the highest degree of participation from the civilian population and how it maximised all available resources to fight the Ethiopian occupation forces.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of China (the Cultural Revolution)from 1966 to 1976 is considered an unprecedented political and social upheaval in Chinese modern history. Model Plays were produced as the core of the Cultural Revolutionary propaganda in an effort to promote a new discourse of political and cultural ideology of and for the worker-farmer-soldier class. As images of heroic proletarian revolutionary women were expansively represented onstage, conventional gender norms and boundaries were challenged. This paper assesses the "woman" messages carried by Model Plays and the vision of Chinese women's liberation they depicted on the Cultural Revolutionary theatric stage. By analyzing images of Model woman characters in Model Plays, the author argues that these model plays and operas offer an idealized vision of Chinese women's emancipation and to certain extent serve as an empowering influence on women's social practice in real life during the Cultural Revolution; on the other hand, however, they reveal a central tension in the Chinese revolutionary discourse with respect to gender: women could be re-conceived as heroes, public actors fighting fearlessly for collective goals, yet these women heroes seemly could only take form in the absence of private ties: family bonds, marriage, and motherhood. So while there is something "new" and, perhaps, even liberating in these newly imagined women characters, the form they take falls short of truly reconfiguring gender relations in Chinese society. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

The purpose of this paper is to examine the results of the revolution and its effects on the Russian people. Since the government of the NEP period allowed relative freedom to writers, attention is focused on this time. The writers Kozakov, Malashkin, Grabar', and Nikiforov were chosen because their naturalistic writings would give the most accurate picture of the time. While all four authors deal with the ills of the system, their different methods of investigation give a greater scope to a critical analysis. Each chapter of the paper presents the background of the author, some stylistic elements, deficiencies in the Soviet system and psychological effects on the characters. The writers are dealt with in the following order: CHAPTER I-Mikhail E. Kozakov "Meshchanin Adameyko" CHAPTER II-Sergey I. Malashkin "Luna s pravoy storony" CHAPTER III-Leonid Y. Grabar' "Lakhudrin pereulok" and "Na kirpichakh" CHAPTER IV-Georgiy K. Nikiforov “U fonarya” and “Ztienshcnina” The conclusion points out that the results of the revolution were far from what was expected at its inception. Much, of the Communist ideology worked against the psychological make-up of the people causing endless frustrations. The failure of the Party to consider human character brought out undesirable factions and destroyed some of the most worthy elements in the society; thus, retarding the progress towards its own goal. / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate