Submitted by THASSIO SOARES ROCHA ALVES null (thassiorocha@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-11T19:41:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Thassio Alves.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente estudo tem por objetivo a investigação da criação de dois instrumentos da Organização das Nações Unidas para a garantia dos Direitos Humanos, o Conselho de Segurança e a Convenção para a Prevenção e Repressão do Crime de Genocídio. Além disso, a principal linha de estudo é que os dois instrumentos supracitados não conseguiram evitar que casos de genocídio voltassem a ocorrer após o Holocausto, como nos casos do Camboja, Antiga Iugoslávia, Ruanda e Darfur, estes dois últimos o foco deste trabalho. Para atingir o objetivo proposto foi feito um estudo cronológico dos eventos, começando pela criação da ONU e o Conselho de Segurança, passando pela Convenção do Genocídio até chegar aos casos dos países africanos. Esta metodologia nos permite entender que mesmo com os esforços das Nações Unidas para garantir a paz e a segurança internacional, os resultados mostram que as medidas não foram suficientes, cabendo então à reflexão dos porquês. O principal objetivo que levou ao estudo deste tema é a busca de entender os motivos da ineficiência da Convenção do Genocídio, buscando nas resoluções aprovadas pelo Conselho de Segurança uma semelhança entre os casos, mostrando assim se há um padrão. Havendo este padrão, se faz necessário entender quais interesses por parte dos países com direito a veto no Conselho, para saber se esses interesses tiveram relações com os genocídios. Sendo assim, a crítica à postura tanto dos membros permanentes, como também de todos os países signatários da Convenção para Prevenção e Repressão ao Crime de Genocídio é importante, pois todos falharam diversas vezes com suas responsabilidades, cabendo então a análise de possíveis alternativas. / This study aims to investigate the creation of two instruments of the United Nations to guarantee the human rights, the Security Council and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In addition, the main line of the study is that the two aforementioned instruments failed to prevent cases of genocide returned to occur after the Holocaust, as in the cases of Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Darfur, the latter two the focus of this work. To achieve this purpose was made a chronological study of events, beginning with the UN's creation and the Security Council, through the Genocide Convention until you get to the cases of African countries. This methodology allows us to understand that even in with the UN efforts to ensure peace and international security, the results show that the measures were not enough, then fitting reflection of the whys. The main objective that led to the study of this theme is the quest to understand the reasons for the inefficiency of the Genocide Convention, seeking the resolutions adopted by the Security Council a similarity between the cases, showing if there is a pattern. Having this standard, it is necessary to understand what interests by the countries with a veto in the Council to see if these interests have relations with genocide. Therefore, the criticism of the stance of both the permanent members, as well as all countries signatories to the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the Crime of Genocide is important since all failed several times with their responsibilities, then fitting the analysis of possible alternatives.

O objetivo desta dissertação é examinar a motivação de os EUA terem formalizado seu apoio diplomático à candidatura da Índia para a obtenção de um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança da ONU, enquanto mantêm uma postura mais reticente em relação ao pleito do Brasil. A hipótese primordial é a de que a diplomacia estadunidense busca defender interesses próprios; a parceria estratégica com a Índia viria, portanto, interligada à manutenção da influência dos EUA na Ásia, região onde a esfera de influência da chinesa é crescente. Para tanto esta dissertação também abordará o processo de deliberações a respeito da reforma do Conselho de Segurança, a qual se encontra presente na mesa de negociações desde os anos 1990. Busca-se analisar as propostas dos grupos de pressão que se colocaram em torno deste tema, buscando observar quais são suas argumentações em defesa de seus projetos e críticas em relação aos outros. Além disso, também examina-se a postura dos membros permanentes do CSNU em relação a uma possível reforma das Nações Unidas. Com isso, busca-se inferir quais seriam os obstáculos que tem atravancado o processo de reforma das Nações Unidas e se Brasil e Índia estariam próximos ou distantes de atingir o objetivo de adentrar no CSNU como membros permanentes. Ainda, também analisa-se as inserções internacionais de Brasil e Índia, buscando observar semelhanças e diferenças tanto em seu comportamento na esfera internacional como em suas capacidades de atuação no sistema internacional. Observa-se que, pelo fato de serem grandes países com grandes populações, crescentes economias, com sistema democrático estável e amplo engajamento nas Nações Unidas, há mais semelhanças do que diferenças na inserção destes dois países e, como potências emergentes, demonstram se credenciar à vaga permanente no Conselho de Segurança. / The aim of this dissertation is to examine the motivation of the USA support over de Indian candidature for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, while USA is reticent about the Brazilian claim. The main hypothesis is that the USA diplomacy is seeking to defend its own interests; the strategic partnership with India, thus, comes from the maintenance of the USA influence in Asia, region where the sphere of influence of China is growing. This dissertation will approach the deliberation process on the Security Council reform, which is present in negotiations since de 1990s. The aim is, therefore, analyze the proposals of the lobbies that ate engaged in this topic. Besides, it is also examined the position of the UNSC permanent members in relation to the possibility of the United Nation reform. Therewith, it aims to conclude what are the obstacles that are obstructing the process of the United Nations reform and if Brazil and India would be close or far to achieve the goal of becoming new permanent members of the UNSC. Moreover, it is also analyzed the international insertion of Brazil and India, seeking to observe similarities and differences in their behavior in the international field and in their ability of act in the international system. It is observed that, because they are big countries with big populations, growing economies, with stable democratic system and broader engagement in the United Nations, there are more similarities than differences in the international insertion of these two countries and, as emerging powers, it shows that they accredit the Security Council permanent seat.

O objetivo desta dissertação é examinar a motivação de os EUA terem formalizado seu apoio diplomático à candidatura da Índia para a obtenção de um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança da ONU, enquanto mantêm uma postura mais reticente em relação ao pleito do Brasil. A hipótese primordial é a de que a diplomacia estadunidense busca defender interesses próprios; a parceria estratégica com a Índia viria, portanto, interligada à manutenção da influência dos EUA na Ásia, região onde a esfera de influência da chinesa é crescente. Para tanto esta dissertação também abordará o processo de deliberações a respeito da reforma do Conselho de Segurança, a qual se encontra presente na mesa de negociações desde os anos 1990. Busca-se analisar as propostas dos grupos de pressão que se colocaram em torno deste tema, buscando observar quais são suas argumentações em defesa de seus projetos e críticas em relação aos outros. Além disso, também examina-se a postura dos membros permanentes do CSNU em relação a uma possível reforma das Nações Unidas. Com isso, busca-se inferir quais seriam os obstáculos que tem atravancado o processo de reforma das Nações Unidas e se Brasil e Índia estariam próximos ou distantes de atingir o objetivo de adentrar no CSNU como membros permanentes. Ainda, também analisa-se as inserções internacionais de Brasil e Índia, buscando observar semelhanças e diferenças tanto em seu comportamento na esfera internacional como em suas capacidades de atuação no sistema internacional. Observa-se que, pelo fato de serem grandes países com grandes populações, crescentes economias, com sistema democrático estável e amplo engajamento nas Nações Unidas, há mais semelhanças do que diferenças na inserção destes dois países e, como potências emergentes, demonstram se credenciar à vaga permanente no Conselho de Segurança. / The aim of this dissertation is to examine the motivation of the USA support over de Indian candidature for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, while USA is reticent about the Brazilian claim. The main hypothesis is that the USA diplomacy is seeking to defend its own interests; the strategic partnership with India, thus, comes from the maintenance of the USA influence in Asia, region where the sphere of influence of China is growing. This dissertation will approach the deliberation process on the Security Council reform, which is present in negotiations since de 1990s. The aim is, therefore, analyze the proposals of the lobbies that ate engaged in this topic. Besides, it is also examined the position of the UNSC permanent members in relation to the possibility of the United Nation reform. Therewith, it aims to conclude what are the obstacles that are obstructing the process of the United Nations reform and if Brazil and India would be close or far to achieve the goal of becoming new permanent members of the UNSC. Moreover, it is also analyzed the international insertion of Brazil and India, seeking to observe similarities and differences in their behavior in the international field and in their ability of act in the international system. It is observed that, because they are big countries with big populations, growing economies, with stable democratic system and broader engagement in the United Nations, there are more similarities than differences in the international insertion of these two countries and, as emerging powers, it shows that they accredit the Security Council permanent seat.

LL.M. (International Law) / After witnessing the catastrophic effects of the First World War, the pursuit of a global regulatory body charged with the responsibility of maintaining global peace and security was the talk of the day and a body which became known as the League of Nations soon surfaced. However, with the manifestation of the Second World War the essential failure of the League of Nations was evident and led to the creation of a new body along with a dream to prevent the same kind of disastrous conflict the world had just witnessed for a second time from occurring again. The idea that a single body would in essence control the fate of world security matters was brought to life and the United Nations Security Council essentially emerged, reflecting the power balance that ensued at the end of World War 2 – the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, China and France suddenly became the most powerful nations in the world. With the existence of regional organisations pre-dating that of both the League and the United Nations, the debate as to the ideal relationship between the global body and regional bodies developed. Despite the fact that the UN Charter essentially instilled a hierarchy, with the Security Council holding primacy over matters of security governance4 whilst allowing regional organisations to act unilaterally only in limited circumstances,5 this debate has continued to the present day. Since the conception of the United Nations, the traditional role of regional organisations in matters of security governance were mostly limited to peacekeeping and preventative diplomacy and the inaction of the Security Council during the Cold War saw an increase in the activity of these bodies, albeit in these forms.

The Security Council has sometimes failed to perform its main duty, which is the maintenance of international peace and security. The Council’s responsibilities in this regard have grown as new international challenges have emerged. These challenges include global environmental issues, refugee flows and mass migration across borders, the rapid spread of infectious diseases, civil war that threatens international peace and security, global terrorism, transnational crime and illegal stocks of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. The Security Council has thus become the subject of both severe criticism and calls for its structural reform. A variety of reform proposals have been offered by scholars and politicians, almost all of which have focused solely on state-based solutions. The current study considers that reforming the Council through such means would not alter its current state to any significant extent. International law no longer reflects the state-based system of the Westphalian World Order. The international legal order does not involve only nationstates, and state-based systems are not able autonomously to deal with problems such as these in the post-Westphalian era. It is widely acknowledged that there are many non-state actors that could contribute to enhancing the Council’s representativeness, effectiveness and accountability. It is thus concluded that a reform proposal for the Security Council must consider these factors and produce a non-state based solution. It is proposed that the Council must consider granting formal access to Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) that have, as non-state actors, been active in the international legal order, and that have already made significant contributions to the above-mentioned issues.

This thesis argues that a tension exists between a new individualized norm of security within the counter-terrorism context and human security framework of the United Nations Security Council, focusing on the implications of the resolution 1267 counter-terrorism regime. This topic is of particular relevance as the threat of terrorism continues to grow and evolve. While the human security framework has been well studied, the individualization of security through counter-terrorism is a more recent development, and its tensions and implications have not been fully considered. This thesis uses a discourse analysis in order to demonstrate that counter-terrorism is constructed as a norm, and that there has been a shift in norms within the UN Security Council in relation to counter-terrorism and human rights. It will trace how a set of norms has emerged in order to make terrorism a part of the Security Council’s agenda, and how and why these have changed. In order to trace these norms, terrorism has been separated into two stages: state-sponsored and international terrorism, where terrorism was viewed as a threat stemming from state-governments and; transnational terrorism, where it was viewed as a trans-border threat arising from individuals. Within these stages, the objectives, targets and tools of the Council’s counter-terrorism policies will be studied in order to demonstrate how they work together to reinforce a norm. The analysis will be used to show how the case of Kadi v. Council and Commission came about in the transnational terrorism stage as a direct result of the Security Council’s counter-terrorism regime and its alleged breach of human rights. The Kadi case demonstrates that a tension does exist between the norm of individualization of security within the counter-terrorism context and the human security framework.

In the wake of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States (U.S.), many states, responding to United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolutions, began to adopt an increased array of counter-terrorism measures.The Security Council had not in the beginning pre-empted the risk of counter-terrorism measures violating counter-terrorism human rights as it failed to immediately refer to states‟ duty to respect human rights in their responses to terrorism. It was only in 2003, in Resolution 1456, that the Security Council stated such duty by providing that „states must ensure that any measures taken to combat terrorism must comply with all their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights, refugee and humanitarian law". / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii A. Kotey, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana. Ghana. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

In the aftermath of the South African election, as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 2011, the country amongst other things, promised to pursue an African Agenda for Peace and Stability on the continent and in all regions of the world, especially in the Global South. This was coupled with the promise to promote the importance of developing effective partnerships between the United Nations (UN) as well as regional and sub-regional organizations in maintaining international peace and security. These became fundamental foreign policy principles of how South Africa would behave in the Security Council. The UN Charter mandates the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security to the Council. Scholars that have analysed the United Nations often argue that the Council’s decision-making process is driven by the interests of the five permanent members who possess veto power. Thus, it is widely believed that, members that have continuous membership and veto power not only affect the passage of resolutions but also prevent certain issues from entering the agenda through the threat of a veto. While veto-wielding member states can use the veto to bargain their positions, non-permanent members of the Council can have limited influence on the agenda due to the unequal distribution of power. The power-politics argument is widely discussed in the literature of the United Nations; however, limited systematic analytical research has been done to understand how countries other than big powers exercise their influence in the UN Security Council, despite lacking the right to veto power. To contribute to the understanding of the power-politics argument, ways in which emerging countries influence the agenda will be identified. This research report analyses whether and how South Africa delivered on the promise to pursue African interests during its tenure in the UNSC in 2011-2012. This study embarks on content analysis of selected South African interventions and reports regarding African issues in the UNSC. / Mini Dissertation (MDIPS)--University of Pretoria, 2018. / Political Sciences / MDIPS / Unrestricted

Throughout the years many have called for a reform of the United Nations and more specifically its most influential body the United Nations Security Council. The Security Council has the authority to pass resolutions with the sole purpose to preserve the peace around the globe, in theory at least. As there are conflicts that have been going on for a decade without any kind of solution from the Security Council and with huge humanitarian toll, just like Syria and Yemen, the need for a reform is clearly needed for the Security Council to be able to act better in conflict solving. In the Council five members have veto rights which are also permanent members and are not elected. As this has been considered unfair, both the notion of a permanent member and also the notion of a veto, some reform proposals have been brought up by organizations or countries to change the Security Council. This work is concerned with the Weak Veto reform proposal as analysing possible reforms using discourse analysis can predict possible future behaviour of states and can introduce a different view on the future of international organizations.

This thesis examines the decision to invade Iraq and the failed planning for the occupation of Iraq. Since Janis introduced groupthink in 1972, the groupthink perspective has been used to explain foreign policy disasters such as the failure to anticipate the Pearl Harbor attack and the Bay of Pigs. However, the groupthink perspective is not universally useful for explaining foreign policy mishaps. While some have attributed the Iraq war to groupthink, the groupthink perspective has not been systematically applied to these events. This thesis will examine Janis's original groupthink theory, and subsequent research that tested the effectiveness of the groupthink perspective. It will apply the groupthink perspective to the events leading up to the invasion of Iraq. It will also examine the failed planning for the occupation of Iraq. The application of the groupthink perspective to both the invasion decision and occupation planning suggests that groupthink was not the primary cause of either event. The thesis will conclude by describing alternative explanations for the decision to invade Iraq, such as ideological agenda setting, and other cognitive errors besides groupthink. / Master of Arts