As temperatures in the Arctic continue to rise, so do the tensions between the Arctic states as Russia and China belligerently stake their claims in the Arctic region. Before the crippling effects of climate change, the Arctic was a region that was hard to gain access to due to the colossal glaciers that provided a natural barrier that kept countries at bay. The Arctic harbors massive amounts of natural resources that many countries have exhibited an interest in. The premise of this research paper is to compare the United States and Sweden’s security strategies regarding the Arctic region. What goals, assets, methods and environmental factors does each country have. The United States has a long standing status as a great power, this paper seeks to find out whether being a great power or not plays a significant role in the outcome of a security strategy. Using Westberg’s security strategy theory, Realism and small state theory this paper will compare and delve into the differences between the United States and Sweden’s strategies in the Arctic. The overall conclusion was that being a great power or small power impacted the security strategy to a great extent. Sweden’s strategy emphasized preventive measures and highlighted the importance of cooperation; meanwhile the American strategy took on a greater responsibility as the only great power able to balance out Russia’s military operation and placed more emphasis on their military strategy.

This paper investigates whether the Swedish state has had a change of policy from a liberal to a more realistic view in the work against terrorism as the threat of terrorist acts has become more apparent in recent years. To investigate this, a comparative ideal-type analysis of Swedish strategies against terrorism is applied. In summary, the analysis shows that a direct change of policy cannot be seen, but that there are traits of realistic principles in the current strategy. This study is an important addition in both the social and academic arena as previous research on terrorism in Sweden in general and Swedish security strategies in particular is scarce.

<p>Det som undersökningen beskriver är hur EU:s säkerhetsstrategi påverkade de utrikespolitiska målen inför militära insatser i Demokratiska Republiken Kongo 2006, Tchad/Centralafrikanska republiken 2008 och Somalia 2009.</p><p>Vår <em>utrikespolitiska vilja</em> och dess <em>utrikespolitiska mål</em> motiverar vårt deltagande i militära insatser utomlands. Dessa mål skall vara vägledande och skall genomsyra insatsens genomförande. Detta generade en problemställning i denna uppsats som lyder:</p><p>På vilket sätt har bakomliggande säkerhetspolitiska resonemang till EUs säkerhetsstrategi påverkat utformandet av de nationella svenska motiven till internationella insatser i de EU-ledda militära insatserna i Afrika 2006-2009? Kan incitament och motiv identifieras som inflytelser i propositioner från samma period?</p><p>Syftet var att undersöka målsättningarna i dokumentet <em>Ett</em> <em>säkert Europa i en bättre värld, en Europeisk säkerhetsstrategi (ESS)</em>, för att se hur dessa målsättningar påverkat de svenska propositionerna inför de EU-ledda insatserna.</p><p>Som metod användes en kvalitativ textanalys deduktivt, genom att analysera de utrikespolitiska målen med ett <em>analysverktyg </em>indelat i s<em>äkerhets-</em>, <em>välfärds-</em> och <em>idémål</em>.</p><p>Resultatet visade att EU:s övergripande säkerhetsstrategi genomsyrade våra motiv i propositionerna men att det fanns sammantaget en avsaknad av EU:s tydlighet med att vara aktiv, preventiv och handlingskraftig i propositionerna. För att få effekt i välfärdsmålsättningar anser EU att detta skall integreras med olika resurser och där även med civil och militär integrering. Denna integrering var inte fullt tydlig i undersökningens studerade propositioner.</p><p>Den främsta och prioriterade effekten var att tillgodose de mänskliga rättigheterna vilket gör att signaleffekten var hög både för EU och Sverige i insatserna, både regionalt och strategiskt.</p> / <p>This essay examines how The EU Security Strategy affected the objectives of Swedish foreign politics before launching military operations in The Democratic Republic of Congo 2006, Chad/Central African Republic 2008 and in Somalia 2009. The intentions and goals of foreign politics determine Governmental bills and the objectives for the military operations that are sent overseas. These objectives are to serve as guidelines for the realization of the operations.</p><p>This was the basis of the overall problem for my study which asks: How have security policies based on EU reasoning of Security Strategies affected the Swedish national motives for military operations commanded by the EU in Africa 2006-2009? Can they be identified and explained in the Governmental bills from the same era?</p><p>The document, <em>A secure Europe in a better world ­ European Security Strategy, </em>(2003) is used in the case study to identify the objectives and to compare how these have been implemented in the Swedish governmental bills before the initiation of the EU commanded military operations. This was achieved by using qualitative text analysis and a deductive method to analyse foreign policies with an analysis tool, divided into <em>security,</em> <em>welfare of the state</em> and <em>ideological objectives.</em></p><p>The outcome of the study identified that the motives for the Governmental bills were permeated by EU’s overall objectives. In the Governmental bills, it was identified that there was generally a lack of the sharpness that the EU policy stands for, regarding being active, preventive and resolute. In order to achieve more effectiveness in the <em>welfare of the state </em>objectives, the EU considers this objective ought to be integrated into all resources as well as into civil and military integration. Additionally, this integration was not emphasized in explicit terms in the examined bills. The main and most prioritised outcome was to consider Human Rights, which resulted in high ranking publicity for the EU and Sweden in the outcome of the operations, both regionally and strategically.</p>

Nach der Osterweiterung und dem Scheitern des Verfassungsvertrages befindet sich Europa in einer Orientierungskrise. Auf der Suche nach sich selbst, wurde die Debatte um seine Zukunft neu entfacht. Unter diesen Umständen haben die Vorstellungen eines Kerneuropas wieder Konjunktur und werden heftig diskutiert. Was ist Europa? Wo liegt sein Kern? Wohin kann es, wohin darf es gehen?

The present thesis deals with the US strategic approach and posture to cybersecurity from a national point of view. On such a topic much has been written already, nonetheless the present work finds a degree of originality by tackling such object of analysis shifting the focus to a ideational perspective. By drawing insights from the meta-theory of Constructivism and the rich research tradition on strategic culture, the present thesis aims at understanding what kind of norms seem to be informing/mirroring what has been labelled the US "cyber strategic culture", and if it is possible to speak of a "shift", or at least track an evolution regarding them, in a historical timeframe that runs from the early 2000s up to the present days. To pursue the stated research agenda, a methodology grounded in discourse and thematic analysis is utilised, with an analytical framework centred around two opposite "thematic normative categories" (themes) called "defensiveness" and "offensiveness", each characterised by a "story" made up by three sub-themes, delineating specific strategic behaviours. A set of official strategies, all tackling cybersecurity and published during the mentioned timeframe by both the White House and the military, form the primary sources to which such methodology is applied, with particular...

This essay conducts a descriptive analysis of the ideas expressed by NATO´s official security strategy "Strategic Concept" from 2010 and the European Union’s security strategy "A Secure Europe in a Better World" from 2003. The purpose of this analysis is to examine whether the ESDP and NATO are compatible with each other when it comes to the role of security policy actor. To do so, I´ve chosen to analyse the actors' security strategies based on three dimensions. These dimensions are: Their view of the international scene, their views on cooperation and their views on how to reach security. As sorting tools I´ve used two different ideal types, based on the theoretical perspectives of liberalism and realism. The results show that ESDP and NATO are compatible with each other as both ESDP and NATO´s security strategies are characterised by liberal values. However, there are a few traits of realism regarding NATO's treatment of international threats which can be seen to some extent as being in opposition to the ESDP´s practices regarding the treatment of threats. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera huruvida NATO och ESFP är kompatibla med varandra eller inte när det kommer till rollen som säkerhetspolitiskt aktör. Detta eftersom jag vill undersöka vad det finns för eventuell potential till politiska spänningar och intressekonflikter emellan dessa aktörer då de har en stor världsomfattande påverkan när det kommer till den globala säkerhetspolitiken. Den övergripande forskningsfrågan lyder:  Är den Europeiska säkerhets- och försvarspolitiken (ESFP) och NATO kompatibla med varandra när det kommer till rollen som internationell säkerhetspolitisk aktör? Mitt tillvägagångssätt för att svara på min övergripande forskningsfråga har varit att studera aktörernas säkerhetspolitiska policydokument. Detta har jag gjort genom att göra en idéanalys av aktörernas respektive försvarsdokument. I denna uppsats används idealtyper från de teoretiska perspektiven liberalism och realism för att på så sätt operationalisera och undersöka min övergripande forskningsfråga.  Uppsatsens slutsats visar att NATO och ESFP är kompatibla med varandra där båda aktörernas säkerhetsstrategier är präglade av liberala värderingar. Mycket lutar åt att samarbetet mellan aktörerna kan ses ett ömsesidigt beroende där respektive aktör kompletterar den andra. Dock finns det ett fåtal drag av realism kring NATO:s metoder för bemötandet av internationella hot där dessa i viss mån kan ses som stående till ESFP:s metoder kring samma bemötande.

Det som undersökningen beskriver är hur EU:s säkerhetsstrategi påverkade de utrikespolitiska målen inför militära insatser i Demokratiska Republiken Kongo 2006, Tchad/Centralafrikanska republiken 2008 och Somalia 2009. Vår utrikespolitiska vilja och dess utrikespolitiska mål motiverar vårt deltagande i militära insatser utomlands. Dessa mål skall vara vägledande och skall genomsyra insatsens genomförande. Detta generade en problemställning i denna uppsats som lyder: På vilket sätt har bakomliggande säkerhetspolitiska resonemang till EUs säkerhetsstrategi påverkat utformandet av de nationella svenska motiven till internationella insatser i de EU-ledda militära insatserna i Afrika 2006-2009? Kan incitament och motiv identifieras som inflytelser i propositioner från samma period? Syftet var att undersöka målsättningarna i dokumentet Ett säkert Europa i en bättre värld, en Europeisk säkerhetsstrategi (ESS), för att se hur dessa målsättningar påverkat de svenska propositionerna inför de EU-ledda insatserna. Som metod användes en kvalitativ textanalys deduktivt, genom att analysera de utrikespolitiska målen med ett analysverktyg indelat i säkerhets-, välfärds- och idémål. Resultatet visade att EU:s övergripande säkerhetsstrategi genomsyrade våra motiv i propositionerna men att det fanns sammantaget en avsaknad av EU:s tydlighet med att vara aktiv, preventiv och handlingskraftig i propositionerna. För att få effekt i välfärdsmålsättningar anser EU att detta skall integreras med olika resurser och där även med civil och militär integrering. Denna integrering var inte fullt tydlig i undersökningens studerade propositioner. Den främsta och prioriterade effekten var att tillgodose de mänskliga rättigheterna vilket gör att signaleffekten var hög både för EU och Sverige i insatserna, både regionalt och strategiskt. / This essay examines how The EU Security Strategy affected the objectives of Swedish foreign politics before launching military operations in The Democratic Republic of Congo 2006, Chad/Central African Republic 2008 and in Somalia 2009. The intentions and goals of foreign politics determine Governmental bills and the objectives for the military operations that are sent overseas. These objectives are to serve as guidelines for the realization of the operations. This was the basis of the overall problem for my study which asks: How have security policies based on EU reasoning of Security Strategies affected the Swedish national motives for military operations commanded by the EU in Africa 2006-2009? Can they be identified and explained in the Governmental bills from the same era? The document, A secure Europe in a better world ­ European Security Strategy, (2003) is used in the case study to identify the objectives and to compare how these have been implemented in the Swedish governmental bills before the initiation of the EU commanded military operations. This was achieved by using qualitative text analysis and a deductive method to analyse foreign policies with an analysis tool, divided into security, welfare of the state and ideological objectives. The outcome of the study identified that the motives for the Governmental bills were permeated by EU’s overall objectives. In the Governmental bills, it was identified that there was generally a lack of the sharpness that the EU policy stands for, regarding being active, preventive and resolute. In order to achieve more effectiveness in the welfare of the state objectives, the EU considers this objective ought to be integrated into all resources as well as into civil and military integration. Additionally, this integration was not emphasized in explicit terms in the examined bills. The main and most prioritised outcome was to consider Human Rights, which resulted in high ranking publicity for the EU and Sweden in the outcome of the operations, both regionally and strategically.