The early 9th century Carolingian manuscript of the Epistola Anne ad Senecam was discovered by B. Bischoff in the Archiepiscopal library of Cologne and published by him 1984. It is a short, incomplete Latin text of some ninety lines that Bischoff identified as a late antique Jewish missionsschrift addressed to certain unidentified fratres. There is little agreement in the current literature on the identity of the author or the addressee(s), nor on the date of its composition, and it has been proposed that the text is in fact Christian. The titulus has been taken as a later interpolation with no relation to the work. There have been two subsequent editions (Jacobi and Hilhorst) and a German translation (Wischmeyer) all dependent on Bischoff’s editio princeps. No extended study of the text has been published. The present study reexamines the text and presents a corrected edition of the Latin from the original manuscript together with an English translation. An analysis of the latinity and rhetoric of the text shows it to be have been written by a highly literate author aimed at a pagan, aristocratic audience similar to the group seen in the works of Macrobius. The fratres are not the prime addressee of the text but represent a Iamblichan neoplatonic group addressed in an apostrophe within the text. The use of a mixed cursus in the clausulae indicates a late 4th-5th century date. The work is shown to allude to Genesis and sapiential texts, particularly Wisdom but does not quote directly from them. There are indications that the author is using Biblical texts that are substantially different from the Vulgate Latin and possibly dependent on the Hebrew. The Epistola also appears to show a familiarity with a number of works of Seneca; Naturales Quaestiones, De Beneficiis and De Supersitione. An intertextual link between the text and Augustine’s De Civitate Dei and the De Reditu Suo of Rutilius Namatianus suggest a composition of the text in the second decade of the fifth century, c. 415. This would allow the author to be identified with the Annas didascalus Iudaeorum mentioned in the Theodosian code as active on behalf of the Jewish community at the imperial court in Ravenna, and a plausible context is reconstructed for such a scenario. Placed in the historical context of late paganism, the text is interpreted as constituting a protreptic exhorting its audience to avoid the obscurities of neoplatonism and the inanities of the cult of Liber Pater and to follow a philosophical faith consonant with that of the author. It can thus be seen as an attempt to establish a Jewish-Pagan dialogue in the face of the continuing Christianisation of the empire at a time when this process was still not seen as irreversible.

With theology grounded in beliefs of human equality and religious toleration, early Quakers discussed religious ideas with Native Americans, but did not conduct the kinds of missionary projects common to other English Protestants in America in their first century there. Instead, they focused on creating good relationships with the native people who lived in the area that became Pennsylvania, as well as with those beyond its borders. Despite this rhetoric, Quakers were inconsistent in enacting their own ideals. After allowing the unfair Walking Purchase of 1737 through poor government oversight, Philadelphia Quakers created a group whose aim was to reestablish peaceful relationships with Native Americans, particularly during the tumultuous Seven Years War. This group had scant success, largely limited to reinvigorating communication between Quakers and Native Americans. By 1795, Philadelphia Quakers determined they were divinely called to assist Native Americans more directly by teaching them skills of Euro-American farming and housekeeping. To that end, they began missions with the Oneida in 1796 and the Seneca in 1798. This study argues that despite Quakers' own conception of themselves as unique from other colonists and thus able to provide a superior education for Native Americans than that provided by other Protestants, Quakers were engaged in the same colonizing project as other missionaries and colonists.

Die vorliegende Arbeit ist eine überwiegend generische Interpretation der Tragödie «Hercules furens» des L. Annaeus Seneca. Zugrundegelegt ist die Frage: Welche Wirkung erzielt der Text, wenn er unter den Bedingungen einer römischen Theaterbühne dargeboten wird? Die Arbeit gliedert sich in fünf Abschnitte: (1) Einleitung: Skizze des Forschungsstandes und Begründung des Ansatzes. (2) Handlung: Untersuchung des Dramentextes auf Gedankengänge, Motivationen und Identität des Chores. Ergebnisse u.a.: Hercules wird von Juno nur aufgrund seiner Abstammung von Iupiter verfolgt und ist, anders als im Prolog behauptet, keine Gefahr für die kosmische Ordnung; es sind zwei Chöre notwendig. (3) Bühnengeschehen: Untersuchung der erforderlichen Bühnenvorgänge hinsichtlich ihrer Realisierbarkeit und ihrer Rückwirkungen auf das Textverständnis. Ergebnisse u.a.: der «Hercules furens» ist nicht nur aufführbar, sondern bedarf sogar einer Aufführung, um richtig verstanden zu werden. Die rituelle Reinigung des Hercules zu Beginn des vierten Aktes, die Rückgabe der Waffen an Hercules und die Drohung Amphitryons mit der Selbsttötung im fünften Akt sind für einen bloßen Leser oder Hörer mißverständlich oder irreführend, weil die tatsächlichen Vorgänge erst an späteren Textstellen festgelegt werden. Als rückverlagerte Regieanweisungen aufgefaßt, geben diese Textstellen dagegen ein sichtbares Geschehen vor, das den Theaterbesucher rechtzeitig aufklärt. (4) Personen: Zusammenfassung der vorangegangenen Beobachtungen zu Charakteristiken der Figuren und Chöre. (5) Deutung: Versuch, das Drama als Einheit zu interpretieren. Ergebnis: Hercules ist eine zur Herrschaft prädestinierte Figur, die ihre Bestimmung durch eine falsche Einstellung zur Tätigkeit des Strafens verfehlt. Ein Herrscher muß mit größter Zurückhaltung und innerer Abneigung strafen (Verse 739-747), Hercules aber hat daran zunächst Freude (3. Akt) und ist später (5. Akt) gegen sich übermäßig streng, wenn er zur Sühne für die Ermordung seiner Familie die Selbsttötung plant, obwohl die Schuld an der Untat eindeutig bei Juno liegt. Diese Kritik an Hercules ist politisch relevant und findet eine Entsprechung in Senecas Traktat «De clementia». / This study is a generic interpretation of the tragedy «Hercules furens» by L. Annaeus Seneca. It is based on the question: which effect has the text when performed on an ancient Roman stage? The study consists of five chapters: (1) Einleitung (= introduction): Survey of modern research and justification of the methodical approach. (2) Handlung (= plot): Examination of thoughts, motives and identity of chorus. Results inter alia: Hercules is persecuted by Juno only because of being Jupiter’s son and does not threaten the cosmic order as it is claimed in the prologue; two choruses are needed. (3) Bühnengeschehen (= stage action): Examination of the required stage action in regard to practicability and repercussions on the understanding of the text. Results inter alia: it is not only possible, but necessary to perform the «Hercules furens» on stage in order to facilitate an appropriate understanding of the text. The ritual of purification at the beginning of act 4, the return of Hercules’ weapons and the suicide threatened by Amphitryon in act 5 are misleading for a mere reader or listener, because what really happens will be told only in later passages of the text. Taken as postponed stage directions these passages however determine visible action which informs a spectator about the real events in time. (4) Personen (= characters): Studies of the characters and choruses based on former observations. (5) Deutung (= interpretation): Attempt to interprete the drama as an unity. Result: Hercules is predestined to be a ruler, but he misses his destination because of a wrong attitude towards punitive action. Each ruler ought to punish with greatest possible restraint and inner aversion (verses 739-747), but Hercules first enjoys it (act 3) and later (act 5) he is to severe on himself when planning suicide as atonement for the murder of his family, although only Juno is to be blamed for the atrocity. This criticism of Hercules has a political connotation and corresponds to Seneca’s «De clementia».

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<p> This study examines 43 farms in Seneca Township, and considers a number of social and economic factors which may influence farm management and levels of farm performance. </p> <p> A model of the farm manager is formulated to serve as a basic research directive. Data are obtained by means of farm interviews. Multiple regression analysis is used to estimate a standard production function, and to group farmers into performance categories, on the basis of production function residuals. Farmers of each performance group are compared in terms of relevant biographical characteristics, attitudes, farm decisions, and pertinent farm practices. </p> <p> It is concluded that major variations in farm performance can be explained in terms of differences among farmers in personal and family aspirations, differences in past and present economic opportunities, and differences in the extent to which farm adjustment and equilibrium levels of production have been achieved. </p> <p> Little evidence was found of important differences in managerial competence among full-time farmers. </p> <p> Location with respect to soil type, and associated differences in cost-return ratios appear to have some bearing upon the investment behaviour of farmers. This question however, warrants further investigation. </p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

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Diss.---Cologne. / Vita on label mounted on p.[3] of cover. Bibliography: p. 105-109.

ALVES, Letícia Freitas. A narrativa de Euríbates na tragédia Agamemnon de Sêneca: um diálogo entre gêneros. 2015. 98f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Letras, Fortaleza (CE), 2015. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-08-05T17:09:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_lfalves.pdf: 524165 bytes, checksum: 4f212df3c165e31d733bb286bc4735ec (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-08-05T17:11:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_lfalves.pdf: 524165 bytes, checksum: 4f212df3c165e31d733bb286bc4735ec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-05T17:11:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_dis_lfalves.pdf: 524165 bytes, checksum: 4f212df3c165e31d733bb286bc4735ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / The play under analysis in this work, Agamemnon, written by Lucius Annaeus Seneca, depicts within its third act a long narrative (v.421-578), which is held by a messenger, Eurybates. Eurybates reports to the Queen of Argos, Clytemnestra, all the mishaps that the Greeks went through on their journey back from the Trojan War. The messenger’s speech is to some extent, due to its narrative-style story and its theme, a grand epic interlude within a tragedy. The existence of such a long epic interlude within a tragedy leads us to some questions: would Seneca be jeopardizing the laws of the tragic genre for building up a bigger epic narrative in this play? To what extent would Seneca take the well-known connection between the tragic and the epic in the Antiquity? Would Eurybates’ speech, once it has an epic nature, make allusion to epic poems and would they be important to the formation of meaning in Agamemnon ? How would a conjectural “epic speech” work in this tragedy? Thus this work proposes a study of Eurybates' speech from the point of view of the dialogue between the tragic and the epic genres and of the dialogue with other works, established, mainly, through allusions. / A peça em análise neste trabalho, Agamemnon de Lúcio Aneu Sêneca, possui, dentro de seu terceiro ato, uma longa parte narrativa (v. 421-578), realizada por um mensageiro, Euríbates. Euríbates narra para a rainha argiva, Clitemnestra, todos os percalços por que passaram os gregos no retorno da guerra de Troia. O discurso do mensageiro constitui, por seu caráter narrativo e sua temática, uma espécie de grande interlúdio épico dentro de uma tragédia, o que nos leva a alguns questionamentos: estaria Sêneca colocando em xeque as leis do gênero trágico ao construir tão grande narrativa épica em sua peça? A que nível levaria Sêneca a já tão conhecida aproximação entre o trágico e o épico na Antiguidade? O discurso de Euríbates, uma vez que possui essa natureza épica, faria alusão a poemas épicos e seriam eles importantes para a formação de sentido no Agamêmnon? Como um suposto “discurso épico” funcionaria nessa tragédia? Guiados por tais questionamentos, propomos neste trabalho um estudo do relato da personagem Euríbates, do ponto de vista do diálogo entre o gênero trágico e o épico e do diálogo com outras obras, estabelecido essencialmente através de alusões.

Der Vortrag verfolgt die Geschichte und rhetorischen Funktionalisierungen des Seneca-Zitats, dass es nicht darauf ankomme, wer spricht, sondern allein darauf, was gesagt werde, von der Spätantike bis ins Spätmittelalter. Das Zitat erweist sich als polyfunktional: Geistlichen dient es zur Absicherung gegenüber der Gemeinde, Akademikern hilft es in Fällen anonymer Überlieferung - sogar eine Frau, die über das Waffenhandwerk publiziert, lenkt damit von sich als Verfasserin ab.