Throughout the last three decades, the Arab region has attracted the unwanted attention of the rest of the world because of its spiralling political upheaval. This unrest has caused migration, economic and cultural changes, and eventually a spring of revolutions and protests in demand of reform. Arab countries are now in the spotlight of global current affairs, and all the imperfections regarding their cultural, social, and gender inequalities have surfaced to the foreground. Arab women novelists have been addressing feminist issues for centuries, chipping away at the stereotypical image of the meek and voiceless Arab woman that comes hand in hand with Orientalism. Through their fiction, writers such as Nawal El Saadawi, Hanan Al- Shaykh and Fadia Faqir have promulgated a bold brand of Arab feminist thought. This interdisciplinary thesis explores the Greater Syrian and Egyptian woman's novel written between 1975 and 2007. Through the in-depth analysis of Arab women's novels available in English, I attempt to uncover the many reasons behind today's gender inequality in Greater Syria and Egypt. By examining contemporary Arabic narrative styles and cultivating traditional Arab story-telling methods, the creative element of this thesis uses fiction to expose social and political injustice. The novel within this thesis challenges different forms of patriarchy that are dominant in the region, and endeavours to document a historical, on-going revolution.

Le quartier d'al-Mïdan est un exemple judicieux pour présenter l'histoire et le développement de l'expansion urbaine extra-muros de la ville de Damas. En effet, son expansion s'est poursuivie sans interruption au fil des siècles. Longeant la Rue principale vers la Terre Sainte, l'Égypte et la Palestine, ce quartier a été divisé en trois parties (Nord, Centre et Sud) afin d'en faciliter son étude. Le quartier s'est développé à partir des villages des premières tribus arabes installées aux alentours de la muraille (VIIe et VIII siècle). La partie Nord a été le premier secteur du quartier à connaître un vrai essor dans son urbanisation jusqu'à l'époque ayyoubide (570-658/1174-1260) où le Musalla a été transformé en mosquée (en 606/1211) et où la partie centrale a connu un noyau d'urbanisation. A l'époque Mamelouke (658-923/1258-1516), le village al-Qubaybat est apparu dans le Sud avec sa mosquée, la Mosquée al-Karïmï (en 718/1318). Par la suite, la Mosquée de Manjak a été érigée (avant 826/1423) dans le secteur Central qui a intégré la partie Nord. Suite à cela, al-Qubaybat a perdu son indépendance en intégrant l'unité spatiale du quartier avant l'arrivée des ottomans (en 923/1516). L'étude architecturale de l'ensemble des monuments du quartier d'al-Mïdan révèle une identité spécifique avec, d'une part, l'absence totale de madrasa et, d'autre part, la présence de mausolées mamelouks à deux coupoles. Par ailleurs, le quartier présente le seul exemple dans l'architecture damascène d'un édifice proche du type« sabïl- maq'ad », bien connu au Caire d'époque mamelouke. Les sources historiques et les documents écrits des archives fournissent des listes importantes de monuments du quartier disparus de nos jours. Cela s'ajoute à la liste issue des travaux sur le terrain et permet d'avoir une vue plus complète sur l'histoire de l'urbanisation du quartier. La société a été composée de plusieurs classes: les notables (al-Kubartiou al-A 'yiin) qui ont collaboré avec les militaires pour contrôler les peuple (al-'Amma), sans oublier les grand commençants et les milices locales appelées « al-Zu 'ur ». Le pouvoir était représenté par un walï, qui avait la responsabilité de le contrôler, d'y maintenir l'ordre et de collecter les impôts. Ce dernier était soutenu dans sa mission par deux autres personnages : le Shaykh al-hara, qui en général était choisi par le pouvoir parmi les élites ou les personnes puissantes du quartier, et le 'Arif al-hara, qui était un des chefs des milices locales « al-Zu 'ur ». / The district of al-Mïdan is a perfect example to present the history and development of the extramural expansion of the city of Damascus. Indeed, its expansion has continued without interruption for centuries. On both sides of the main road to the Holy Land and Egypt, the area was divided into three sections (North, Central and South) to facilitate its study. The district started to develop from the villages of the first Arab tribes settled a round the wall (seventh and eighth century AD). The northern part was the first sector to experience a real momentum in its urbanization in the Ayyubid period (570-658 / 1174-1260), where the Musalla was converted into a mosque (in 606/1211) and the central part became the core of urbanization. ln Mamluk times (658-923 / 1258-1516), the town of al-Qubaybat appeared in the South with its al­Karimï mosque (in 718/1318). Thereafter, the Jamï Manjak was erected (before 826/1423) in the central area which then incorporated the northern part. Subsequently, al-Qubaybat lost its independence by incorporating into the spatial unity of the area before the arrival of the Ottomans (in 923/1516). The architectural study of the monuments in the district of al-Mïdan reveals a specific identity, total lacking madrasas on the one hand, and on the other band, including: Mamluk mausoleum with two domes. Furthermore, the district has the only example in Damascus of a building approximating to the type "sabïl­maq'ad", well known under the Mamluks in Cairo. The historical sources and written documents of the archives provide important lists of monuments today disappeared. This can be added to the list of the monuments studied and provides a more comprehensive view of the area's urbanization. The social organization was composed of several classes: the notables (al-Kubariï or al-a’yan) who worked with the military to control the people (al-'Amma), without forgetting the well known merchants and local militias called "al-Zu'ur ". The authority was represented by the walï, who was responsible for control, maintaining order and collecting taxes. The walï was supported in his mission by two other persons: Shaykh al-hara, who in general was chosen by the authorities among the elites or powerful people in the district, and the 'Arif al- hara, who was a leader of local militias "al-Zu'ur".

La présente étude résulte d’une synthèse approfondie de plusieurs approches visant à cerner les différents sens et aspects de la retraite spirituelle (khalwa) dans l’Islam. Dans un premier temps, une étude historico-linguistique du terme et de ses définitions a été réalisée pour montrer la manière qui a permis de le comparer puis le différencier de ses synonymes ou pseudo-synonymes. Par la suite, une réflexion sur les origines et les tous débuts de la pratique spirituelle a fait l’objet de notre recherche, suivie d’une description des règles énoncées dans les manuels destinés aux murîd(s) qui dans l’ensemble, sont au nombre de vingt six. D’autre part, nous avons tenté d’énumérer les mérites de cette pratique à travers un recensement de ses utilités et de ses vertus. Par ailleurs, dans la deuxième partie de ce présent travail, une étude comparative entre les pratiques des anciens et celles de nos contemporains a été menée à travers une enquête au cœur de certaines voies mystiques, plus particulièrement, la cAlawiyya et la Naqshbandiyya. Par conséquent, les résultats apportés ont permis un éclairage ainsi qu’une meilleure connaissance sur le vécu actuel des mystiques, pratiquant la khalwa dans la région Nord-ouest de l’Algérie ainsi que dans d’autres pays occidentaux comme le Canada, les États-Unis, la Suisse et la France. / The present study was undertaken to deepen evaluate the different senses and aspects of the spiritual practice widely known as *Khalwa* within Islam. This was firstly investigated by an historical and a linguistic study of the term and its definitions. This approach allowed in particular, to understand how the term could be distinguished and differentiated by the synonyms and pseudo-synonyms. In the second part of this research, a serious thought on the origins and the beginning of the practice was undertaken, followed by a clear description of the rules as determined in different manuals which were addressed to murîd(s). Furthermore, we tried in this study to clarify and enumerate the merits of this spiritual practice through a census of its advantages and benefits. Interestingly, a comparative study between the old and current practices has contributed to enrich widely our research through several mystical ways, such as the cAlawiyya and Naqshbandiyya. In conclusion, our findings might allow a better understanding of the mystical ways applied in the practices of the *khalwa* not only in the Ouest-North of Algeria, but in others countries like Canada, United-States, Switherland and France.

Il tribalismo costituisce una caratteristica intrinseca delle società mediorientali, concorrendo insieme a cultura araba e religione islamica a comporne l’identità. In Iraq, da sempre, il tribalismo ha costituito sia una struttura organizzativa ed una modalità di relazione sociale, che una dinamica di potere. Durante il Mandato britannico e la monarchia, la manipolazione politica di cultura e strutture tribali ha rafforzato la legittimazione del governo; nella fase repubblicana, con l’emergere delle forze armate quale principale attore politico e l’impatto con la modernità, il tribalismo si è trasformato pur rimanendo radicato nella società. Nella fase iniziale del regime ba’thista, la cultura tribale è stata combattuta essendo considerata un retaggio arcaico. Senonchè, con le difficoltà legate alla guerra con l’Iran, l’invasione del Kuwait e il successivo embargo, il regime di Saddam Hussein sfruttò proprio il tribalismo sia come dinamica di presa e controllo del potere che come collante propagandistico e sociale. Nel vuoto politico seguito al crollo del regime, le tribù riemersero come “campo di battaglia” tra insurgency e forze della Coalizione. Con il Surge americano e la nascita della Sahwa quale reazione allo stragismo jihadista, le tribù hanno impresso una svolta che ha salvato il paese dalla guerra settaria. Anche al Maliki ha saputo abilmente avvantaggiarsi del fenomeno tribale. Oggi le tribù continuano a rappresentare sia una constituency imprescindibile per ogni partito politico, che una diversificata e trasversale forza politica attiva. / Tribalism is an intrinsic character of Middle Eastern’s societies, as it contributes, together with Arab culture and Islamic religion, to shape their identity. In Iraq, since ever, tribalism constituted an organizational structure and a pattern of social relations, as well as dynamic of power’s exercise. Under the British Mandate and the Monarchy, politic manipulation of tribal’s culture and structures strengthened government’s legitimation; during the Republican period, as the Army emerged as main political driver and the influence of Modernity, tribalism transformed itself even if its presence into the society was still very strong. In the initial phase of Ba’thist’s regime, tribal culture was opposed, since it was considered as an obsolete heritage. But, facing the difficulties stemming from the war with Iran, the invasion of Kuwait and the embargo, the regime of Saddam Hussein exploited tribalism as a dynamic of power’s control, as well as propaganda and social bond. In the political void ensuing to the collapse of the regime, the tribes surfaced as “battlefield” between insurgency and Coalition’s Forces. American Surge and the tribes’ intervention in the Sahwa, as a reaction to jihadist’s bloodbath, avoided a sectarian civil war. Also al Maliki was able to exploit the tribal system. Nowadays, tribes are still an invaluable constituency for every political party, as well as diversified and a cross-parties political force.