A central political and social debate confronting societies around the world concerns the form and content of social democracy. The collapse of communism, the advent of globalization, the transformation of the social experiences in life, and other profound social, political and economic changes, have all created a perceived need within social democratic circles to rethink the policies and theoretical thought of the left. Social democratic politics is thus in a state of critical self-reflection. More precisely, in Australia, pragmatic social democracy has faced profound challenges with the emergence both of neo-liberal models of society and policy, and with the development of third way social democracy which seeks to combine the social justice concerns of pragmatic social democracy with the market based economics of neo-liberalism. To explore the dynamic contests between these different approaches, this thesis provides a critical exploration of the actual and potential contributions that policies modeled on pragmatic and third way social democracy, and on neo-liberalism, make to the lives of people with disabilities. People with disabilities continue to be socially excluded in capitalist societies including Australia, the UK, and the US, and as a result a key challenge for social democratic approaches is how to increase the social inclusion of people with disabilities.

This thesis aims to study the indirect effects of the Europeanization on national parties and the presence of an established national opposition towards the European Union (EU) and its effects in Sweden, as a result of the so-called conflict of Vaxholm.   The questions asked were whether or not it existed an established national opposition towards the EU, and if so, what the opposition consists of substantially. The research method, which was used, is a quantified text analysis on the chamber debates of the Swedish Riksdag and the party congresses of Socialdemokraterna. The study shows that there is an ambivalent opposition towards the EU and its effects in the aftermath of the conflict of Vaxholm.  Socialdemokraterna presented resistance, but did not manage to present apparent alternatives, which left the party with a rather indistinctive opposition. In contrast to the right-wing party, the left-wing party had some profound difficulties in positioning itself in the new and globalized economy. I therefore suggest, that it might be more providing and exhaustive to introduce Azmanova’s ideal-type analysis, which instead of positing parties on a left-right continuum, posit parties after respective party’s opinions concerning the risks or opportunities which the EU and the internal market’s effects.

A central political and social debate confronting societies around the world concerns the form and content of social democracy. The collapse of communism, the advent of globalization, the transformation of the social experiences in life, and other profound social, political and economic changes, have all created a perceived need within social democratic circles to rethink the policies and theoretical thought of the left. Social democratic politics is thus in a state of critical self-reflection. More precisely, in Australia, pragmatic social democracy has faced profound challenges with the emergence both of neo-liberal models of society and policy, and with the development of third way social democracy which seeks to combine the social justice concerns of pragmatic social democracy with the market based economics of neo-liberalism. To explore the dynamic contests between these different approaches, this thesis provides a critical exploration of the actual and potential contributions that policies modeled on pragmatic and third way social democracy, and on neo-liberalism, make to the lives of people with disabilities. People with disabilities continue to be socially excluded in capitalist societies including Australia, the UK, and the US, and as a result a key challenge for social democratic approaches is how to increase the social inclusion of people with disabilities.

This thesis examines the relationship between practices of internationalism, patterns of racialisation, and the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism in the revolutionary Marxist left in Britain between 1899 and 1933. I focus on two organisations, the Social Democratic Federation and the Communist Party of Great Britain, examining how different racialised subaltern populations were represented in their publications and how this affected the anti-imperial advocacy and activism of these political groups. I am interested in how the writings of colonial nationalists, as well as the intervention of transnational activists, helped to shape this political praxis. The thesis begins with a study of how positive racialisations, developed by colonial activists as a discursive means to argue for the inapplicability of the ‘civilising mission’ to their respective societies, were drawn on by SDF activists and figureheads such as HM Hyndman to bolster their increasingly oppositional stance towards the British Empire. Further chapters demonstrate how groups of border-crossing racialised outsiders, be they Russian-born Jews in the SDF or Indian activists in the CPGB, utilised a strategic universalism to overcome their marginalisation within the ranks of the revolutionary Marxist left, and to gain support for their respective communal concerns. During the course of the time period covered within the thesis, the October Revolution, the rise of the Bolsheviks, and the foundation of the Comintern helped to reshape analyses of imperialism as well as practices and theories of internationalism on the British far-left. Particular attention is given to how activists either attempted to utilise or bypass this ‘official internationalism’ to promote their own international anti-imperial networks and discourse, and the efficacy of their efforts. It is my hope that this study will be able to shed light on international influences on the British Marxist left beyond the Continental, provide a greater nuance to histories of Marxism and race in Britain, and demonstrate the variety of models and practices of internationalism available to these activists in the early years of the twentieth century.

Orientador: Ricardo Luis Coltro Antunes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T21:12:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cavalcante_Savio_M.pdf: 1374317 bytes, checksum: 9e832251dabb2b67bdfdccfd2c709488 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como principal objetivo analisar a ação do movimento sindical do setor de telecomunicações contrário à privatização das companhias de telefonia brasileiras, ocorrida em 1998, sob o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. O intuito foi problematizar as principais teses, pressupostos e estratégias desse grupo, assim como os da ala governista responsável pelo projeto de privatização. O SinTPq (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores de Pesquisa, Ciência e Tecnologia de Campinas e região), vinculado à FITTEL (Federação Interestadual de Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações) e à CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores), foi escolhido, por sua intensa atuação e elaboração de propostas, como objeto de pesquisa representativo, no geral, das posições do restante dos trabalhadores e entidades do setor em tela ligados a esse mesmo espectro político-sindical. Além da coleta de documentos, boletins, publicações e matérias de jornal, foram realizadas entrevistas com antigos e atuais diretores do sindicato citado, todos atuantes no processo de privatização. A análise da reforma privatizante das telecomunicações no Brasil pôde nos indicar que as alternativas "social-democratas", uma mera variação do conjunto de reformas neoliberais e, quanto ao segundo, a impossibilidade de renovação, ou construção, de um projeto nacional autônomo de desenvolvimento para o setor, assertivas que, grosso modo, refletem a crise das diversas formas de social-democracia em meio à transnacionalização dos capitais que caracteriza a acumulação hodierna, no geral, e das telecomunicações, em particular. O trabalho procura apontar, ainda, em linhas gerais, as principais conseqüências da privatização no que se refere aos serviços prestados e apresentar o panorama geral que marca a situação do trabalho e do sindicalismo do setor na atualidade / Abstract: This study aims to analyze the action of the syndical movement of the telecommunication sector against the privatization of the Brazilian telephony company, which occurred in 1998, under Fernando Henrique Cardoso's government. The purpose was to question the main matters, implications and strategies of this groups, as well as the ones of the govern parties responsible for the privatization porject. The SinTPq (Sindicato dos Trabalhadores de Pesquisa, Ciência e Tecnologia de Campinas e região), connected to FITTEL (Federação Interestadual de Trabalhadores em Telecomunicações) and to CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores), was chosen, for its intense performance and creation of proposals, as representative objetct of the research, in general, of the positions of the remaining workers and entities of the sector connected to this politician-syndical specter. Besides the data collection, reports, publications and magazine reports, we interviewd old and current directors of the union, all operating in the privatization process. The analysus of the privatizating reform of the telecommunications in Brazil could indicate us that the "social-democrat" alternatives, either form the government or from the syndical movement, demonstrated, in what is related to the first, a mere variation of the set of neoliberal reforms and, for the second, the impossibility of renewal, or construction, of an independent national project of development for the sector, assuring that, grosso modo, reflects the crisis of the several ways of social-democracy transnationalization of the capitals which characterizes the modern accumulation, in general, and of the telecommunications, particularlly. The study seeks to point out, in general lines, the main consequences of the privatizations in relation to the services and to present the general panorama which marks the work situation and the unionism of the sector in the current time / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

This thesis examines how the right to housing has arisen in Sweden and how it hasbeen articulated and expressed during the 20th and 21st century. Moreover, itinvestigates the shift and continuations within Swedish housing policies alongsidereviewing outcomes following the happenings with a focus on homelessness. This hasbeen done through a document analysis using a historical method providing means tounderstand the changes that have occurred over time. The material has been analyzedEsping-Andersen's stratification theory and Bengtsson's Universal and Selectiveapproach to housing as a social right. Throughout the analysis, it is concluded that theright housing has until the late 20 th century been expressed as a group held necessitydependent on a regulated housing market with state interference. Although, since the1990’s the right has rather been expressed as an individual responsibility to operateand function within the market. Furthermore, it is presented that the liberal shift inSwedish politics in 1991, has resulted in an unstable housing market and increasednumbers of homelessness.

No description available.

Few historical works focus on the period of German history immediately following World War I. Fewer still inquire about how the Majority Social Democratic Party (MSPD) regime exercised power. This paper looks at the rhetoric in the MSPD's party organ Vorwärts to understand how they presented themselves to the German people following the collapse of the Imperial regime. The official party organ provides unique insight into how the MSPD regime transitioned from a party in opposition to leading the provisional government and how it justified holding that power. The official party newspaper of the radical Spartakusbund coupled with the conservative Neue Preußische Kreuzzeitung provide a context to further understand the rhetoric of the MSPD and how the opponents of the majority socialist regime responded to the interim government. The MSPD was in a difficult position after the collapse of the Imperial regime, which was exacerbated by a hostile rhetorical environment. Upon assuming power, the MSPD was hesitant and defensive but grew into their position of leadership, winning the largest portion of votes in the January 19th election of 1919 as well as the early elections of the Weimar republic. / History

No / The anticapitalist protests at Seattle and Genoa are dramatic symbols of a growing collective anger about the of a few multinational corporations. But there is more to anticapitalism than demonstrations: concepts like participatory democracy and economic solidarity form the heart of alternative but equally compelling visions. Hilary Wainwright, writer and long-time political activist, set out on a quest to find out how people are putting such concepts into practice locally and taking control over public power. Her journey starts at home, in east Manchester, where local community groups are testing Tony Blair¿s commitment to ¿community-led¿ regeneration by getting involved in the way government money is spent. In Newcastle, she joins a meeting of homecare workers and their clients to challenge the threat of privatization of homecare services in that city. In Los Angeles she talks to the people behind the community-union coalitions that have had major successes in improving the impoverished bus system and in winning a living wage for employees of firms contracted by the city. And in Porto Alegre she discovers the wider democratic potential of the participatory budget, the basis of investment decisions in many Brazilian cities. Local democracy and ¿people power,¿ it turns out, provided the foundations for a global alternative, as her visit to the World Social Forum reveals.

The aim of the study is to map out and analyse the integration of political parties from Central and Eastern Europe into the main European party families. The prospect of eastern enlargement of the EU implicated opportunities and above all challenges for the West European party families. The challenges consisted of integrating new parties with a different historical legacy. The study focuses on mainly how the European party families handled these challenges and what motives that have driven them in this engagement. At a more general level the thesis sketches two alternatives interpretations of the process: Western neo-colonialism and contribution to democratisation. The method used for the study is comparative case-study method and the main sources that have been utilised are party documents and in-depth interviews. The study is delimited to the three main European party families: the Christian democrats, the social democrats and the liberals. The countries of interest in Central and Eastern Europe are those postcommunist countries that became EU-members in 2004 and 2007: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. The time-frame is limited to the first party contacts in 1989 to the final inclusion of the new parties in 2000-2006. The results suggest that the European parties have responded with ambitious means to the challenge of integrating new parties from a postcommunist context. They have set up new coordinating bodies and organised educational programmes for the applicant parties, mainly directed to young politicians. The Christian democrats and the social democrats have also used parallel organisations as buffer-zones, which provided certain flexibility. As for motives, the Christian democrats stand out as the party family with the clearest power-oriented motives. At the other end, the liberals stand out as the party family that is most steered by ideology and identity. The social democrats went through a change with ideological considerations dominating the early phase and became increasingly poweroriented as the EU enlargement drew closer. When it comes to the two alternative interpretations of this process, the main conclusion is that they are intertwined and more or less impossible to separate from each other.