Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A ciência política geralmente interpreta a social-democracia como moderação, adesão ao capitalismo e diferenças apenas residuais em relação ao liberalismo de mercado. Esta tese desenvolve outra definição, baseada nas ideias de Kautsky e Bernstein, com dois elementoschave: a importância central da democracia representativa parlamentar e o reconhecimento de que há limites para avançar na transformação social. O reformismo gradual que daí decorre é o meio pelo qual os partidos social-democratas buscam avançar no socialismo, promovendo a desmercantilização e fortalecendo os trabalhadores em relação ao capital. Há nos partidos social-democratas uma tensão entre o pragmatismo bernsteiniano e o purismo kautskiano, que evita que a social-democracia se mova para um dos extremos e, com isso, se descaracterize, preocupando-se apenas com as vitórias eleitorais ou tornando-se um partido de gueto. A atuação no limite das possibilidades e a luta para modificar tais limites requerem a confrontação da hegemonia mercantilizadora, não sendo suficiente migrar para o centro e vencer eleições. O conceito é, então, aplicado a seis partidos competitivos e seus governos, sendo três deles sul-americanos e os demais, europeus, com o intuito de averiguar o quanto atuaram no limite das possibilidades e tentaram alterar tais limitações, bem como o efeito da dinâmica intrapartidária sobre as decisões tomadas. Há uma análise de como os diferentes limites incidem sobre a atuação dos partidos. Os seis casos pesquisados são o Partido Socialdemocrata Trabalhista (SAP) sueco, o Partido Trabalhista Norueguês (DNA), o Movimento para o Socialismo (MAS) boliviano, o Partido Socialista Operário Espanhol (PSOE), o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) brasileiro e a Frente Ampla (FA) uruguaia. O MAS aparece como o caso mais claro de social-democracia, contrariando as visões estereotipadas sobre o partido. O PSOE é o exemplo de agremiação que não avançou no limite das possibilidades. O viés neoliberal da União Europeia surge como limite para o avanço socialista nos países do continente, enquanto que as inovações empreendidas pelos partidos sul-americanos aponta para a sobrevivência da social-democracia nesta era de mercados integrados.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) surgiu em 1987, como uma opção de centro-esquerda, e, de acordo com seus fundadores a agremiação nasceu alinhada com a ideologia social-democrata. Contudo, desde sua origem o partido apresenta duas diferenças fundamentais em relação aos partidos social-democratas europeus: não tem vínculos com movimentos trabalhistas e defende o liberalismo de mercado. No decorrer de sua história, o partido muda da centro-esquerda para a centro-direita demonstrando mais claramente sua verdadeira inclinação ideológica, fato que pode ser observado no posicionamento de sua bancada, no auto-posicionamento e nas políticas que foram implementadas nos anos em que esteve à frente do executivo federal. A análise dos documentos do PSDB nos revela que a mudança do partido não foi de algo pragmático, na verdade o partido já apresentava simpatia às políticas pró-mercado em seus manifestos desde sua fundação. / The Brazilian Democratic Social Party (PSDB) was founded in 1987 as a center-left political party option. According to the founders, the party was created with the proposal to be embedded within the social democracy. However, since its foundation the party has two main features that make it completely different from what we know about the European social democracies parties. Firstly, it was not concerned with working class movements. Secondly, since its very beginning, the PSDB has been a defender of market liberalism. On the one hand, the economic and political context in which the PSDB was established could justify the adoption of its name and initial position. Nevertheless, on the other r hand, in its history, the party has continuously demonstrated its affinities with the neoliberal ideology. This is a fact that could be observed in face of the positioning of its Members of the Parliament and in the policies that have been implemented in PSDBs Federal Government mandatory years. Through analysis of the PSDBs documents, carried out in support of this thesis, it is possible to see that no paradigmatic change has occurred in the Partys history. In fact the PSDB has always showed in its policies manifestos proximity with market policies since its foundation.

A presente dissertação tem como propósito, a partir do processo de construção e democratização da Política de Assistência Social no Brasil, pós SUAS, analisar o controle social tendo como objeto o Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social do município de Mesquita, na região da Baixada Fluminense / RJ e as condições de trabalho dos Assistentes Sociais nesses espaços. Inicialmente, abordamos a Política de Assistência Social no Brasil, desde a criação da extinta Legião Brasileira de Assistência Social (LBA), até os dias atuais, ressaltando os avanços na parte jurídico-legal-normativa desta política, o que tem se tornado um campo propício e amplo para o mercado de trabalho dos assistentes sociais na contemporaneidade. No debate do controle social na Política de Assistência, destacamos três importantes temáticas: a relação das entidades da sociedade civil com os conselheiros governamentais, nos espaços de representação política, democrática, deliberativa e paritária nos conselhos de assistência social; a participação dos segmentos de usuários dos serviços sócio assistenciais do município de Mesquita e, ainda, as condições em que vem ocorrendo à participação dos assistentes sociais nos espaços de controle social no município, através de relações de trabalho precárias, no que se refere à desregulamentação de direitos sociais trabalhistas dos profissionais. Para o estudo, analisamos as Atas do período de 2011-2012, e realizamos entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os conselheiros governamentais e não governamentais do Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social de Mesquita (CMAS), que atuaram no mesmo período, gestão empossada em Dezembro de 2011, após resultado do processo eleitoral das entidades da sociedade civil do CMAS. Dentre os achados da investigação, a partir do material empírico, mediado pelo pensamento de autores que discutem esta temática e pela legislação destacam-se: a superioridade da Representação Governamental sobre a Representação da Sociedade Civil no CMAS; não monitoramento e fiscalização do saldo orçamentário pelo CMAS / Mesquita; precarização das relações de trabalho na SEMAS / Mesquita; descontinuidade do Programa de Capacitação dos Conselheiros do CMAS / Mesquita; despreparo técnico dos conselheiros para apreciação de prestação de contas no CMAS, com ausência de tempo hábil para análise; manipulação política por parte da representação governamental no CMAS; o poder de influência do governo é maior do que da sociedade civil; necessidade de capacitação técnica, e principalmente capacitação ética e política dos conselheiros governamentais e da sociedade civil; precariedade dos equipamentos públicos dos SEMAS / Mesquita; parca participação dos Usuários dos Serviços Socioassistenciais na esfera do conselho, dentre outros aspectos que serão tratados nesta dissertação. Em suma, estes são as principais conclusões de forma resumida e sintética que abordaremos mais detalhadamente nas considerações finais deste trabalho. / This dissertation aims, from the process of building and democratization of Social Assistance Policy in Brazil, post YOUR analyze social control having as object the Municipal Social Welfare Council of the Municipality of Mesquita, in the Baixada Fluminense region / RJ and working conditions of social workers in these spaces. Initially, we address the Social Assistance Policy in Brazil, from creation of the extinct Brazilian Legion Social Assistance (LBA), to the present day, highlighting advances in judicial-legal-normative part of this policy, which has become a field suitable and ample market for social workers nowadays. In the discussion of social control in Assistance Policy , we highlight three important themes: the relationship of civil society with government advisers , the spaces of political representation , democratic , deliberative and joint boards of social assistance ; the participation of user segments of social welfare services in the municipality of Mosque and also the conditions under which is happening to the participation of social workers in social control spaces in the city , through precarious labor relations , with regard to deregulation labor social worker rights . For the study , analyzed the Minutes of the 2011-2012 period , and conducted semi - structured interviews with government and non-governmental advisors to the City Council of Social Welfare Mesquita (CMAS) interviews , which acted in the same period , management took office in December 2011, following the result of the election process of civil society CMAS . Among the findings of the investigation , from the empirical material, mediated by the thought of authors who discuss this issue and the legislation include: the superiority of Representation on Government Representation of Civil Society in CMAS ; no monitoring and enforcement of the budget balance by CMAS / Mesquita ; casualization of labor relations in SEMAS / Mosque ; discontinuation of the Training Program Directors of the CMAS / Mesquita ; technical preparation of the directors for consideration of accountability in CMAS , with no timely manner for analysis ; political manipulation by the government representation in CMAS ; the power of government influence is greater than that of civil society; need for technical training , and especially ethics and political empowerment of government advisers and civil society ; precariousness of public facilities of SEMAS / Mesquita ; scant participation of users of social assistance services in the sphere of the board , among other aspects that will be addressed in this dissertation. In short, these are the main conclusions in summary and synthetic form which will be discussed in more detail in the concluding remarks of this work.

This dissertation investigates the internal struggles within the labour movement in Dalarna at the beginning of the twentieth century. I investigate Social Democracy, Anarcho-Syndicalism and Communism, the three major factions of the working class. I study the relationship between these organisations and their supporters in the complex socio-economic area of Dalarna. I have based my study on the three party programs and their answer to two central questions of the time: Will the conflicts of society lead to revolution? and How should politics and production be organised in the non capitalist society to come? Generally, anarcho-syndicalists argue that state power must be transformed to local government, social democrats hope to make different social interests compromise into political consensus. Communists want a proletarian state through social revolution. How were those ideologies received in Dalarna? In the beginning, anarchists fought social democrats: The opposition excluded from social democracy 1917 was also more influenced by anarchism than by communism. The opposition founded a party, witch towards the 1920´s turned from anarchism into communism, and the small farmers, that erlier had been attracted by the anarchist influenced rural propaganda, left and more industrial workers joined. Simultaneously, anarchists reorganised from a political party to a syndicalistic trade union, gradually mowing from the industrialised south to northern Dalarna. Communists, mainly left in the industrialised south, were shaken by two splits in the 1920´s and they lost their ability to compete with the social democrats in democratic elections. In Dalarna, social democrats, confronting anti-parliamentary anarchy and totalitarian communism alike, won the contest within the labour movement: At the end of the period, they dominated the area.

La loi du 20 août 2008 portant rénovation de la démocratie sociale a institué un nouveaumode de reconnaissance de la représentativité syndicale. Cette réforme a renouvelé les critères de lareprésentativité syndicale dont l’audience électorale des organisations syndicales aux électionsprofessionnelles constitue le socle. Dès lors, la représentativité syndicale n’est plus déterminée par unschéma descendant du niveau national et interprofessionnel vers les branches et les entreprises maispar un système ascendant dont le point de départ est l’entreprise. Ce changement a créé non seulementun lien entre les organisations syndicales et la communauté de travail mais également un lien entre lesreprésentants syndicaux et la communauté de travail dont le vote des salariés constitue le principalfondement. Désormais, la reconnaissance des périmètres des institutions représentatives élues dupersonnel conditionne ceux d’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale. Ainsi, l’enchevêtrementdes établissements distincts pour la mise en place des institutions représentatives élues du personnelrend délicate l’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale dans les entreprises à structure complexe.Face aux nouveaux enjeux liés à la reconnaissance de ces périmètres, l’employeur et les représentantsdes organisations syndicales pourraient être amenés à les instrumentaliser dans ce type d’entreprise.A ce titre, nous confronterons les dispositions de la loi du 20 août 2008, telles que réceptionnées par lajurisprudence, avec les garanties qu’elles apportent pour la préservation des liens précédemmentévoqués dans les entreprises à structure complexe. / The law of 20 August 2008 on renewing social democracy has established a new way ofrecognition of trade union representativeness. This reform has renewed the criteria for trade unionrepresentativeness whose the number of votes for trade unions in personnel representative bodies is thefoundation. Therefore, trade union representativeness is no longer determined by a top-down approachfrom national level to branch and company level, but by a bottom-up system where the starting point isthe company. This change has created not only a link between trade unions and the workingcommunity, but also a link between union representatives and the working community whose vote isthe main foundation. Now, the recognition of the boundaries of the elected personnel representativebodies determines where trade union representativeness will be appreciated. Thus, the tangle ofseparate institutions for the establishment of elected personnel representative bodies makes nuancedappreciation of union representativeness in the complex-structure companies. Faced with newchallenges related to the recognition of these boundaries, the social partners could be asked to exploitthem in this type of companies. As such, we will confront the law of 20 August 2008, as interpreted bycase law, with the guarantees they provide for the preservation of the links mentioned above incomplex-structure companies.

The core support for social democratic parties has long rested in labour union members. That is no less true for the Swedish Social Democratic party (SAP) in relation to the main industrial labour union (LO). The support for SAP among LO-member has however faltered in recent years, and increasingly the core voters are lending their support to the Sweden Democrats (SD), a right-wing populist party. The purpose of this study was to identify possible explanations as to why the core voters have abandoned the party, with an emphasis on the party’s own actions and strategy. The method to achieve this were extensive interviews with experts at LO, through which both pre-existing as well as new modells of explanations were developed and presented. Crucially the factors and models intended to explain this occurrence is thus rooted in an union perspective, since the interviewees are expected to express the clearest analysis of the situation, as well as represent the interests of their members. The study has found a number of possible reasons for the core voter flight. 1) Underlying reasons, i.e changes in the socioeconomic structure, due to among other things urbanisation, increased employment and education opportunities – which has eroded working class consciousness and thus the degree of class voting. Furthermore SAP has exacerbated the situation, either 2) subconsciously by adopting new frames of references and changing the party’s class character, or 3) consciously by pursuing a supra-class strategy in order to maximize votes. Regardless of how or why the party currently lacks its former ability to appeal to its working class base. Furthermore it can in part be ascribed to a prioritizing of strategic aims above ideological ones. However, the party can reverse the trend of core voter flight by refocusing on classic social democratic policies of redistribution, welfare, and class politics.

In the past, the Czech social democratic party was one of the most successful political formations in the Czech Republic, however, since 2013 the party is dealing with a loss of electoral support and will face the challenge of staying in the Chamber of Deputies in the upcoming years. This diploma thesis is focused on the course of events in the party during the years 2013-2018 and examines the causes of why did a party, which used to get 30% of votes and used to dominate the regional political level, got into both electoral and intra-party crisis. The first chapter of the thesis describes four main theoretical concepts, which are used for analysis of the party processes. Subsequently, the thesis is divided into two analytical chapters. The first one concerns the events, which the party went through during the selected five year period. Its content is a factual description, which is accompanied by a closer look on intra-party disputes and on the development of party electoral support. Intra-party disputes are analyzed from a media point of view with an emphasis on how the media reflected them, and the development of party electoral support is analyzed within the framework of selected time periods with regard to the impact of intra-party disputes. The second analytical chapter addresses selected...

The aim of this thesis is to place Slovak political party SMER in the political and party system of the Slovak Republic and attempt to analyse ideological and programmatic development of this party. The author devotes attention to development of SMER from the emergence in 1999 until last general elections in 2012. First chapter seeks to describe evolution of socialism and following ideologies including the concept of the Third way which was reflected by some Western European social democratic parties. The second chapter is dedicated to left-wing political parties in Czechoslovakia and lately in Slovak Republic. This chapter is divided into two sections. The first section is about parties existing before 1989 and the second one devotes attention to parties after Velvet Revolution in 1989. Next part of this work is focused on the SMER itself. Author describes three phases of development of this party including emergence in 1999, opposition activities between 2002 and 2006 and phase of hegemony following after 2006. The purpose of the last part of the thesis is to analyse ideological and programmatic development of SMER and highlight some problematic features of proclaimed social democratic orientation.

In this paper we examine the Swedish Social Democratic Party within the context of representation. Party membership, voter engagement and citizen influence over politics are all trending downwards in Sweden. At the same time, the interest in politics among citizens is peaking and voter turnout remains strong. This sparks a question regarding how the Social Democratic Party may have changed itself because of this development. The one specific question that we’ve decided to focus on in this paper is if the party manages to sustain sufficient inter-party democracy towards its own members. By applying opinion-based representation as understood in Hanna Pitkin’s book “The Concept of Representation” we will examine this by the usage of three critical case studies that have brought this idea into question. The first case deals with the financing of the party and focuses on the role of lotteries as a means of party finance. The second case deals with the party's process and subsequent decision to join NATO. The third case deals with a party election in a Stockholm suburb (Botkyrka) and the exclusion of party members. The cases were chosen because of their differences and their ability to encase different aspects of opinion-based representation. The analysis was done from a question-based instrument taken from the ideas of Pitkin and then applied to the actions of the party and its representatives. What we found was that the party systematically fails to fulfill Pitkin’s idea of representation in all three cases. We find this to be significant due to its implications for the development of democracy. A representational democracy without representation is not a fully functioning democracy.

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