The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.

Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Os programas de transferência de renda condicionada tornaram-se uma política social constante nas agendas dos mais variados países da América Latina; entre eles, o Brasil. Inicialmente classificados como um modelo de política de tempos neoliberais, programas como o brasileiro Bolsa Família apresentam, porém, características que os aproximam, cada vez mais, de políticas social-democratas, agora desenhadas para um contexto de maior escassez de recursos e de globalização da produção. Alguns trabalhos, tais como de Esping-Andersen (2002), identificam determinados programas de transferência como uma alternativa de política social para a promoção do bem-estar. Fortalecido e oficialmente lançado em 2003, o Programa Bolsa Família, de transferência de renda condicionada, configurou-se como uma das principais e mais abrangentes políticas sociais do governo de centro-esquerda do Partido dos Trabalhadores, durante a presidência de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Não contributiva, fortalece o processo de transformação no padrão de proteção social predominante no país até os dias de hoje. Além disso, segundo apontam estudos, é uma das principais responsáveis pela queda da desigualdade e aumento da renda. Esses fatores, bem como aspectos que dizem respeito a sua sustentação política na esfera eleitoral, evidenciam a existência de uma agenda de política social própria da centro-esquerda, a qual perdura, a despeito de uma suposta homogeneização nas preferências diante das limitações fiscais. / The conditional cash transfers programs have become a very common option of social policy in many Latin American countries, including Brazil. Programs such as the Brazilian Bolsa Família, initially classified as a neoliberal policy, now show characteristics that make them closer to a pattern of social-democratic policies from a new context of scarcity of resources and globalization. Some authors, such as Esping-Andersen (2002), classify some cash transfer programs as an alternative policy to promote social welfare. Bolsa Familia, the Brazilian conditional cash transfer program, was officially launched in 2003. It was one of the largest social policies of the center-left government of Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), during the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The policy is non-contributory, changing the model of the social protection which has prevailed in the country until those days. Moreover, according to studies, Bolsa Familia is one of the main reasons for decrease in inequality and income increase. These factors, as well as aspects that relate this social policy to the politics which guarantee its success, confirm the existence of a center-left social policy agenda. These preferences persist despite of a supposedly homogeneous choices in a world ruled by economic constrains.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Os programas de transferência de renda condicionada tornaram-se uma política social constante nas agendas dos mais variados países da América Latina; entre eles, o Brasil. Inicialmente classificados como um modelo de política de tempos neoliberais, programas como o brasileiro Bolsa Família apresentam, porém, características que os aproximam, cada vez mais, de políticas social-democratas, agora desenhadas para um contexto de maior escassez de recursos e de globalização da produção. Alguns trabalhos, tais como de Esping-Andersen (2002), identificam determinados programas de transferência como uma alternativa de política social para a promoção do bem-estar. Fortalecido e oficialmente lançado em 2003, o Programa Bolsa Família, de transferência de renda condicionada, configurou-se como uma das principais e mais abrangentes políticas sociais do governo de centro-esquerda do Partido dos Trabalhadores, durante a presidência de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Não contributiva, fortalece o processo de transformação no padrão de proteção social predominante no país até os dias de hoje. Além disso, segundo apontam estudos, é uma das principais responsáveis pela queda da desigualdade e aumento da renda. Esses fatores, bem como aspectos que dizem respeito a sua sustentação política na esfera eleitoral, evidenciam a existência de uma agenda de política social própria da centro-esquerda, a qual perdura, a despeito de uma suposta homogeneização nas preferências diante das limitações fiscais. / The conditional cash transfers programs have become a very common option of social policy in many Latin American countries, including Brazil. Programs such as the Brazilian Bolsa Família, initially classified as a neoliberal policy, now show characteristics that make them closer to a pattern of social-democratic policies from a new context of scarcity of resources and globalization. Some authors, such as Esping-Andersen (2002), classify some cash transfer programs as an alternative policy to promote social welfare. Bolsa Familia, the Brazilian conditional cash transfer program, was officially launched in 2003. It was one of the largest social policies of the center-left government of Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), during the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The policy is non-contributory, changing the model of the social protection which has prevailed in the country until those days. Moreover, according to studies, Bolsa Familia is one of the main reasons for decrease in inequality and income increase. These factors, as well as aspects that relate this social policy to the politics which guarantee its success, confirm the existence of a center-left social policy agenda. These preferences persist despite of a supposedly homogeneous choices in a world ruled by economic constrains.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:36:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Kettini Upp Calvi.pdf: 1542486 bytes, checksum: 9dcac8807655bf551759b7d145f64680 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-31 / Petroleo Brasileiro SA / A década de 1980 é um marco para a democracia brasileira. Os movimentos sociais e demais organizações das classes subalternas lançam-se na luta pela redemocratização da sociedade e do Estado brasileiro. Apesar da transição democrática no Brasil ter sido do tipo fraca e negociada , promulgou-se a Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988 com garantias no âmbito das políticas sociais. Assim, as políticas sociais passam a ser reconhecidas como dever do Estado e direito dos cidadãos. Esta Carta é acompanhada das diretrizes da participação popular e da descentralização político-administrativa, possibilitando a abertura de espaços para a participação da sociedade civil na realização do controle social democrático das políticas sociais. Esta década marca também um importante momento para o Serviço Social. Os assistentes sociais, após um longo período de renovação profissional, desprendem-se das bases históricas que lhe forneceram legitimidade e promovem a inversão ético-política de seu projeto profissional. Eles iniciam um amplo debate que resulta na construção do Projeto Ético-Político voltado para a defesa dos interesses das classes subalternas. Neste sentido, os assistentes sociais apresentaram-se como protagonistas junto aos movimentos sociais na luta pela redemocratização da sociedade e do Estado, da construção da CFB de 1988, na garantia da participação popular nos momentos decisórios acerca destas políticas sociais e no controle social democrático . Os Conselhos de Políticas e de Direitos emergem como um dos espaços de realização deste controle social. Os assistentes sociais que participaram ativamente do processo de criação e implementação destes condutos de participação e de controle social democrático , hoje são chamados a participar destes espaços como conselheiros, assessores, capacitadores, pesquisadores. Assim, os Conselhos constituem-se em ricos espaços de atuação dos assistentes sociais. A maioria dos assistentes sociais conselheiros no Espírito Santo apresenta-se com objetivos de realizar o controle social democrático e a agenda de compromissos postos no Projeto Ético-Político. Entretanto, a atuação dos assistentes sociais é permeada de contradições e tensões. Estas contradições e tensões somadas ao avanço do projeto do capital e seu controle social constituem verdadeiros obstáculos à realização do controle social democrático e ao cumprimento da agenda de compromissos assumidos no Projeto Ético-Político. A principal contradição constatada na atuação dos assistentes sociais é a condição de assalariamento. Contudo, mesmo diante da realidade dos Conselhos e dos obstáculos postos à atuação dos assistentes sociais observa-se que estes profissionais, contribuem, ainda que minimamente, para o funcionamento e dinâmica dos Conselhos, ao mesmo tempo em que fortalecem o Projeto Ético-Político / The 80 s have been a mark for the Brazilian democracy. Social movements and other organizations from the subordinate classes are engaged into the fight for the society and the Brazilian Sate re-democratization. Although the democracy transition in Brazil had been such a weak and dealt one, the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988 was promulgated with guarantees in matters of social policies. Thus social policies become acknowledged as a State duty and citizens rights. This Letter is followed by the guidelines of popular participation and political-administrative decentralization making it possible the opening of places for the civil society participation in the achievement of democratic social control of social policies. This decade also highlights an important moment for the Social Work. After a long period of professional renewing, social workers are released from the historical base which provided them with legitimacy and promote the ethical-political inversion of their professional project. They have started a wide debate of interests which results in the construction of the Ethical-Political Project aimed at the defense of subordinate classes interests. Therefore, social workers have introduced themselves as the protagonists related to social movements in the fight for the re-democratization of society and State, the construction of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, in the guarantee of popular participation in the decisive instants related to these social policies and in the social democratic control. The Policy and Right Councils appear to be as one of the achievement spaces of this social control. Social workers who have actively taken part in the creation and implementation process of these courses of participation and social democratic control are currently called to join these spaces as counselors, assessors and researchers. Thus, the councils are constituted by rich spaces of social workers performance. The majority of social workers counselors in Espírito Santo are presented with objectives of performing the social democratic control and the agenda of commitments placed in the Ethical Political Project. However, the social workers performance is permeated with contradictions and tensions. These contradictions and tensions whenever added to the advance of the project of capital and its social control constitute serious obstacles to the achievement of social democratic control and to the fulfillment of the agenda of commitment assumed in the Ethical Political Project. The main contradiction noticed in social workers performance is the condition of being salaried workers. However even in the face of the reality of Councils and the obstacles placed to the social workers performance, it is possible to see that these professional contribute even with a small amount for the Councils functioning and dynamism as well as strengthening the Ethical-Political Project

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GLARISTON RESENDE.pdf: 507213 bytes, checksum: 81b97b29264d119c67a4c8bc974838d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-19 / The present paper aims, generally, to analyse the ideological basis which gave fundamentals to the elaboration of the Federal Constitution of 1988 (CF/88) and its subsequent constitutional amendments, as to the socio-economical field. It comes from the presupposition that the social reality is complex, and in the capitalist system the social components incrusted in the superstructure are in constant dialectical relation to those one in the infrastructure; they influentiate and get influence by the productive relations and so bundle up those ones the ideological postulated matters which steer northward these ones. The constitutions, then, become the politics man s juridical statute in the State, so sheltering the predominant social ideals, especially if they are democratical and normative ones. The CF/88 was promulgated in the context of redemocratization of our State, collecting the biggest popular participation of our constitutionalism history. An a certain measure, the population got to involve its interests to the constituint s discussionis, what arose the promulgation of the Citizen Constitution , under strong social-democratical character. Although its promulgation context this occurred when the capital was reconfiguring itself in the whole world under the neoliberal faith ascension. The neoliberalism in Brazil became a dominant ideological matter from up the 90ties (XX century), and so infiltrated itself, too, as it could be thought, in the major text of our juridical law. This paper worked 9 (nine) Constitutional Amendments which discourse abou the economical field directly. From these ones 8 (eight) are from neoliberal incuse, 6 (six) promulgated in the FHC era. With the promulgation of such amendments it was seen the wellcoming of the transnational capital, intruding itself in the vital economical sectors. Beside those amendments, in the social field, it is seen the contrary, from the 12 (twelve) worked Constitutional Amendments, 10 (ten) reveal themselves of socialdemocratical incuse. The apparent contradiction explains itself, in a great measure, because it fullfilds the State as a mediator role in the relation Capital versus Work. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo geral a análise das bases ideológicas que fundamentaram a Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF/88), e suas subsequentes emendas constitucionais, no que tange ao campo socioeconômico. Parte-se do pressuposto de que a realidade societal é complexa, sendo que no sistema capitalista os componentes sociais sitos na superestrutura estão em constante relação dialética com os situados na infraestrutura. Disto, o direito, mais especificamente a CF/88, componentes da superestrutura, influem e são influenciados pelas relações produtivas, agasalhando aqueles os postulados ideológicos que norteiam as atividades destas. As constituições, pois, passam a ser o estatuto jurídico do político do Estado, abrigando, principalmente se democráticas e normativas, os ideais sociais predominantes. A CF/88 foi promulgada no contexto da redemocratização da sociedade brasileira, com a maior participação popular da história do constitucionalismo brasileiro. Em certa medida, conseguiu a população levar seus interesses às discussões constituintes, que ensejou a promulgação da Constituição cidadã , com forte caráter social-democrático. Em que pese o contexto de sua promulgação, esta se deu quando mundialmente o capital estava se reconfigurando, com a ascensão do credo neoliberal. O neoliberalismo no Brasil se fez ideário dominante a partir da década de 90 (século XX), repercutindo-se, também, como era de se esperar, no texto-mor do ordenamento jurídico. Trabalhamos com nove Emendas Constitucionais que diretamente versam sobre o campo econômico. Destas, oito são de cunho neoliberal, seis promulgadas na era FHC. Com a promulgação de tais emendas vimos a acolhida do capital transnacional, adentrando em setores econômicos vitais. Ao lado destas emendas, no campo social, presenciamos o contrário, das doze Emendas Constitucionais trabalhadas, dez são de cunho social-democrata. A aparente contradição se explica, em grande medida, por cumprir o Estado seu papel mediador da relação capital x trabalho.

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Privatization is said to be fundamentally a neo-liberal idea and deregulation is one form of privatization. The Swedish railway sector has been deregulated gradually over the years. Some of the policy changes towards more deregulation have been done with the Swedish Social Democrats in government. This thesis analyzes the arguments for and against privatization on two occasions, 2000 and 2009 with the Social Democrats in government and opposition respectively, to see if the party’s argumentation has been influenced by neo-liberal ideas and if that change depending on whether they are in government or not. The analysis shows that there has been influence of neo-liberal ideas on arguments from the Social Democrats and that their view on privatization and deregulation differed depending on whether they were in government or in opposition.

Notre thèse offre une lecture des clivages philosophiques à l’arrière-plan de la trajectoire sociale-démocrate. Nous dégageons ainsi deux modèles interprétatifs des institutions sociales-démocrates : le modèle du compromis et celui du libéralisme égalitaire. Sortie de l’orbite marxiste orthodoxe et sur fond d’antinomie entre capitalisme et socialisme, la social-démocratie classique a bien été mise en place dans une logique de compromis par des partis sociaux-démocrates attachés au principe d’appropriation socialiste. Nous avançons qu’il est également possible de réinterpréter le résultat de cette trajectoire historique à partir des exigences rawlsiennes de la justice comme équité, à condition de les étendre à la gouvernance d’entreprise. Ces deux modèles interprétatifs s’opposent sur la question du pluralisme des conceptions de la justice et engagent chacune une conception spécifique de la justice sociale. De plus, ils entraînent des réponses distinctes à la crise contemporaine de la social-démocratie. Le modèle du compromis adapte son projet au nouvel équilibre des forces résultant d’une sociologie politique renouvelée : c’est la piste empruntée par le New Labour. Le modèle libéral égalitaire invite plutôt, sur la base d’une défense de la teneur rawlsienne des principes de justice, à une adaptation des institutions permettant de garantir ou de restaurer leur stabilité. Au final, l’écart entre ces deux identifications possibles constitue l’une des questions majeures auxquelles la tradition sociale-démocrate devra répondre pour clarifier le modèle qu’elle souhaite assumer au XXIème siècle. / In spite of a vast number of political studies on social democracy, little attention has been devoted to its underlying philosophical principles. This doctoral thesis sets out the philosophical distinctions which are crucial to understanding the social-democratic trajectory. It identifies two models through which social democracy can be interpreted, the first centred on the idea of political compromise and the second on liberal egalitarianism. The former echoes the historical development of social democracies. Social democratic parties diverged from Marxist orthodoxy whilst retaining the socialist principle of just appropriation. In this context, social democratic institutions took shape as social democrats compromised with capitalist interests. We suggest, in the second model, that the institutions born through this process are consistent with the Rawlsian perspective of justice as fairness, provided we expand its scope to corporate governance. These rival interpretations of social democracy differ in their conception of social justice and in their stance on the pluralism of conceptions of justice. Moreover, they provide distinct answers to the contemporary crisis of social democracy. The model based on compromise adapts its programme to a new balance of political power resulting from a renewed political sociology – the path followed by the New Labour. The liberal egalitarian model seeks instead to adapt those institutions that can restore support for the Rawlsian principles of justice. Ultimately, the tension between these two interpretations is one of the major questions social democrats need to address to clarify the model they want to put forward in the 21st Century.

Ce mémoire étudie un courant original de l’extrême gauche française : celui le plus souvent nommé « lambertiste » d’après le nom de son principal dirigeant, Pierre Lambert. La présente thèse examine sa genèse aux lendemains de la Libération puis son développement jusqu’en 1963. Ce groupe se constitue autour de quelques convictions comme un antistalinisme affirmé, la nécessité d’un fonctionnement rigoureux, la volonté d’agir « dans la classe » et la priorité donnée à l’action syndicale. Au cours de la période étudiée, il acquiert d’autres particularités comme l’anticléricalisme, un manque d’intérêt pour les révolutions coloniales ou la méfiance envers la modernité. Surtout, quand la direction de la IVe Internationale trotskyste prétend que le mouvement communiste international peut jouer un rôle progressiste, les lambertistes rompent avec elle. Désormais, ils ne cessent de dénoncer « les pablistes », Michel Pablo étant alors le dirigeant de la IVe. En revanche, ce courant politique se lie à une mouvance mêlant anarchistes, syndicalistes révolutionnaires et socialistes de gauche. Par ce biais, il se rapproche des réformistes, d’abord dans le domaine syndical puis, à la faveur de la guerre d’Algérie, dans la sphère politique. A la fin de la période étudiée, il est en passe de devenir un allié de la social-démocratie à l’extrême gauche. / This thesis studies a specific group of the French extreme left most often called « lambertist » after the name of its principal leader, Pierre Lambert. This research examines its genesis in the wake of the Liberation to its development until 1963. This organization is built around several convictions like an affirmed anti-stalinism, the necessity of a rigorous functioning, the will to act for the working class and the priority given to the unionist action. During the studied period, it acquires other characteristics such as anticlericalism, a lack of interest in colonial revolutions or a skepticism towards modernity. Above all, when the leadership of the fourth International trotskyist claims that the international communist movement can play a progressive role, the lambertists take their independence from these leaders. From now on, they keep criticizing the pablists, Michel Pablo being the leader of the fourth. Otherwise, the lambertists associate with a movement of anarchists, revolutionary trade unionists and left-wing socialists. In this way, they get closer to the reformists first in the trade union field, then, in favor of the Algerian war, in the political sphere. At the end of the studied period, the group is about to become an ally of social democracy at the extreme left.