HORÁK, Pavel, Počátky poúnorového sociálnědemokratického exilu (1948-1953) [Forming of socialdemocratic post-February exile (1948-1953)], Praha, Karlova univerzita, Filozofická fakulta, Ústav českých dějin, 2014, 392 s. Vedoucí diplomové práce Doc. PhDr. Jana Čechurová, Ph.D. The study aims to answer questions in which way was formed socialdemocratic exile party in the years 1948-1953. It studies who, how and why could have or wanted to have been involved in this process. The topic is viewed from the institutional perspective of an "exile party". It analyses how was the party organised and negotiated. Besides personal stories in the background of refugee everydayness it also looks into what it meant to a be a "social democrat" in "post-February exile" and whether the "exile party" created its own sphere of communicative space for formulating program and various demands and initiatives. The work focuses on the formative period of "exile". It is delimited by the year 1953 which proved a long-term, bipolar character of the world order. The hypothesis is the statement that the "exile socialdemocratic party" was formed in the frame of Czechoslovakian post-February migration as an institution which was creating its own communication, social and migration networks based on specific criteria. At the same...

This study distils some of the principal political and sociological lines of enquiry that Neville Alexander embarked upon in his published writings. It initially sets out to sketch the political, economic and intellectual milieu that he encountered after his release from Robben Island in 1974, and then it addresses the language question, as a part of the national question, in South Africa. The researcher argues that Alexander’s “dance” in the world of political and educational interventions has at times been solitary but that his discourse is substantively girded by the writings and experiences of established practitioners in the fields of sociolinguistics, political economy and cultural activities. The study concludes that his policy proposals on language in particular, in spite of the fact that the constitutional and institutional infrastructure exists for their implementation, have been put on the back burner because the dominant linguistic interests of the post-apartheid government correspond with the communication interests of market-driven institutions in the country, and not with the interests of the linguistic majorities who populate the nation. / Neville Alexander's thoughts on the language question in South Africa / Language question in South Africa / Educational Studies / M.Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

A presente dissertação tem como objeto a análise das propostas de política econômica do Partido comunista italiano de 1943 a 1947. O período analisado marca a transição do regime fascista à construção da república democrática e representa a única experiência de governo do partido ao longo de sua história. A partir do debate sobre o capitalismo italiano desenvolvido pelo partido, a pesquisa buscou identificar algumas das razões que originaram o fracasso de sua ação nos governos de unidade nacional num dos períodos que, por outro lado, registrou um forte enraizamento social do partido. Destacou-se, principalmente, o instrumental teórico subjacente à estratégia adoptada pelos comunistas italianos neste período, a democracia progressiva, como instrumento privilegiado para realizar a via italiana ao socialismo, uma alternativa ao processo revolucionário da Rússia de 1917 e ao mesmo tempo não assimilável à tradição da socialdemocracia europeia. Buscou-se detectar os entraves e as aporias teóricas que tal estratégia colocou na atuação governamental do partido, em particular no que diz respeito à elaboração de duas substanciais reformas, agrária e industrial. Identificou-se no moderantismo do partido a incapacidade de formular mantendo-se dentro da teoria marxista, mas ao mesmo tempo afastando-se do socialismo soviético um claro projeto econômico alternativo às propostas e projetos de reformas de tipo keynesiano que no mesmo período outros países europeus experimentavam. / This dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.

This thesis is engaged in the formation of the concept of class in the second generation of the Czech (Bohemian) Working-Class Movement. I selected time termination, because of the beginning of the 1890s involved onset of second generation of working-class movement, which deflected from radikalism the first generation of pioneers to engagement oscillating between reformism of Bebel and revisionism of Bernstein. Even since the early 1890s gradually alternated Class about itself (Klasse an sich) at precisely defined Class for itself (Klasse für sich). Thesis seeks to answer the question: Why occured to the above-mentioned phenomenon in the second generation? The traditional explanation of Marxist Historians about the end of Persecutory Phase and logical accession Mass Party seems too schematic. The year 1914 is selected as an upper time milestone, because the First World War caused a series of high quantitative and qualitative transitions in social relations: proletarianization of wide classes in society; fatal deteroration of living, social, health and political conditions of workers. The Working Classes in the prewar and wartime periods are two different social phenomena, which ought to analyse historically separately. The thesis is conceptually draws on Benedict Anderson's seminal work Imagined...

Jan MAREŠ, The policy of gender identity in the labour movement within the region of Liberec (1890-1914), dissertation, Institute of Czech History, Charles University, Charles University Prague, 2021. The thesis attempts to address the question of whether and how the configuration of the gender order of the labour movement represented by the German Social Democracy was transformed and how it was formed by class and nationalist politics. Therefore the dissertation focuses on changes of the representations of femininity and masculinity and desirable social relations between two of them. It is situated into the specific spatial context of the city of Liberec/Reichenberg in North Bohemia and its surroundings, with emphasis on the period 1890-1914. The broader context of the development of the workers' Social democratic movement is considered too. The study is mainly based on printed literary sources with special regard to periodicals. Firstly, the thesis examines the broader context of the formation and reception of Marxist thought and its relationship to the national and woman question. The second chapter is focused on the 1860s and 1870s. It builds on existing literature about development of the Social democratic movement, but illuminates it from a gender perspective. Here the attention is focused...

Diese Dissertation besteht aus vier Kapiteln, die sich mit verschiedenen Aspekten sozialer Identität im Deutschland des 19. Jahrhunderts befassen. Das erste Kapitel analysiert den Effekt früher Nationsbildung. Daten über die Vornamenswahl der Eltern in acht deutschen Städten und die Klassifizierung der Vornamen erlauben es, Veränderungen der nationalen Identität zu fassen. Anhand der Variation in Familien über die Zeit und des Vergleichs von Städten, die 1815 Teil Preußens werden, mit anderen Städten, die außerhalb Preußens blieben, wird der insgesamt positive Effekt ermittelt. Das zweite Kapitel untersucht die Wirkung von Bismarcks Zuckerbrot-und-Peitsche-Politik auf den Wahlerfolg der Sozialdemokratie. Für die empirische Analyse nutze ich Varianz in bereits bestehenden Krankenversicherungen sowie Informationen zu verbotenen Vereinen in einem Differenz-in-Differenzen Ansatz. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass es Bismarck’s Politiken zu steigendem Erfolg für die Sozialdemokratie geführt haben. Das dritte Kapitel untersucht die „Getreideinvasion“ der ersten Globalisierung. Die empirischen Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Handelsschocks in der Landwirtschaft die Wirtschaft der ländlichen Kreise in Preußen belasten. Entscheidend ist indes, dass dieser Handelsschock aufgrund starker Arbeitsmigration nicht zu einem entsprechenden Rückgang des Pro-Kopf-Einkommens oder einer Zunahme der politischen Polarisierung führte. Im vierten Kapitel wird Max Webers Hypothese einer protestantischen Ethik überprüft. Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass Protestantismus nach 1870 weder für das Einkommensniveau noch für die Ersparnisse oder die Alphabetisierungsraten in den preußischen Kreisen eine Rolle spielte. Stattdessen ist, so das Argument, Nationalismus sowohl für die Interpretation von Webers protestantischer Ethik als auch für deren empirische Überprüfung von entscheidender Bedeutung. / This dissertation is composed of four chapters which deal with various aspects of social identity in 19th century Germany. The first chapter analyzes the effect of nation-building in cities that became part of Prussia in 1815. Data on first name choices by parents in eight German cities allow to elicit changes in national identity. Using within-family variation and comparing cities that become part of Prussia with other cities that stayed outside Prussia identifies the overall positive treatment effect. The second chapter investigates the effect of Bismarck’s carrot and stick policies on the electoral success of the socialist party. For identification, I exploit spatial and industry specific variation in treatment intensity due to ex-ante existing local health insurance. The results show that Bismarck failed in reducing the support for the socialist party. The third chapter studies the “grain invasion” – the “China shock” of the first globalization. The empirical results show that trade shocks in agriculture depress the economy of rural counties in Prussia. Crucially, there is no indication of a corresponding decline in income per capita or a rise in political polarization which is attributed to high levels of labor migration. The fourth chapter revisits Max Weber's hypothesis on the role of Protestantism for economic development in its contemporary context. The empirical analysis provides evidence that Protestantism neither mattered for income levels, nor savings, nor literacy rates across Prussian counties after 1870. Instead, the chapter argues that nationalism is crucial for both the interpretation of Weber’s Protestant Ethic and empirical tests thereof. While covering different contexts in 19th century Germany, these chapters are united in dealing with various aspects of social identity – either exploring potential political and economic causes of changes in social identities (chapter 1, 2, and 3) or possible consequences of social identity (chapter 4).

This Master’s thesis examines the interesting paradox of why employee ownership is morecommon in the United States of America than in Sweden, when other forms of rights andbenefits for employees are more developed in the latter. This paradox boils down tounderstanding the characteristics of employee ownership and its relationship to thetraditional political left-right scale. In other words, from a political point of view, shouldemployee ownership be seen as a left or right phenomenon? Instead of approaching thisquestion from a philosophical angle about how things should be seen, this thesis uses a morepractical empirical approach. By comparing the institutions on macro-level in Sweden andthe United States, and applying the theory of ‘varieties of capitalism’, the goal is tounderstand in which institutional and political contexts employee ownership flourish. This isdone using a comparative case study design, focusing on historical and institutionaldifferences between how the two countries regulate their political economies. The theory of‘varieties of capitalism’ is used in the form of two ideal types, liberal- and social(coordinated) market economy, which are used as analytical tools to examine institutionaldifferences. The aim of the study can be summarized by the two research questions: 1) Isemployee ownership a liberal or social-democratic phenomenon? and 2) Can the differencesin occurrence of employee ownership between Sweden and the United States be explainedusing the ideal types liberal- and social market economy? The findings indicate that employeeownership is in fact a liberal phenomenon, and that the ideal types and theory of ‘varieties ofcapitalism’ is useful for explaining this. The conclusion is that there seems to be a substitutioneffect between employee ownership and the Swedish model on the labor market. It seems likethe strong labor market- and welfare-state institutions in Sweden already provide employeesand employers with enough coordination, rights, benefits and influence to make the interestfor employee ownership too small. In contrast, the lack of strong institutions for coordinationbetween employees and employers in the liberal market economy of the United States seem tocreate a bigger need for companies to tie their employees closer to them. The fact thatemployee ownership is often created on the initiative of the company management alsostrengthens this hypothesis: employee ownership is a liberal phenomenon driven by thecorporations to compensate for the lack of strong labor market institutions in a liberaleconomy.

Text in Afrikaans with abstracts in Afrikaans, English and isiZulu / In sy haas om in die globale ekonomie geïntegreer te word, na baie jare van polities-ekonomiese isolasie – en dus volle lidmaatskap van die internasionale gemeenskap te verkry – het die na-apartheid staat die ekonomiese raamwerk van die vryemarkstelsel aanvaar, gebaseer op die beginsels van neo-liberale kapitalisme as sy normatiewe basis om die “nalatenskap van apartheid” aan te spreek. Die aanvaarding van die ekonomiese model van neo-liberale kapitalisme is egter problematies in soverre dit betekenisvol misluk het om na-apartheid Suid-Afrika se mees fundamentele moreel-polities-ekonomiese uitdaging, naamlik armoede, aan te spreek en te oorkom. Hierdie tesis bied ʼn alternatiewe ekonomiese model aan, naamlik uitgebreide korporatisme. Terwyl die neo-liberale ekonomiese model individuele belange beklemtoon (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van outonomie in die ekonomiese sfeer), beklemtoon die korporatistiese model, daarenteen, kollektiewe belange (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van kollektiewe eienaarskap en verantwoordelikheid). Die voorspraak vir uitgebreide korporatisme poog om die volgende aansprake te bewys: 1. Die vryemarkstelsel moet behoue bly, maar een of ander vorm van strategiese ingryping is nodig sodat bepaalde sosio-politieke en ekonomiese doelwitte bereik kan word. 2. Die huidige vorm van korporatisme in Suid-Afrika is “drieledigisme” (ʼn swak vorm van korporatisme). ʼn Uitgebreide korporatistiese politieke ekonomie kan teweeg gebring word deur die instelling van korporasies, die instelling van ʼn ekonomiese wetgewende gesagsliggaam, arbeidshowe en gesentraliseerde salarisonderhandelinge. 3. Uitgebreide korporatisme kan Suid-Afrika se sosio-ekonomiese probleme aanspreek. Transformasie kan bevorder word deur ʼn paradigmaverskuiwing weg van die liberale kapitalisme, ʼn magsverskuiwing weg van die wit kapitalistiese enklave en ʼn verspreidingsverskuiwing ten gunste van die swart verarmde laerklasse. 4. Alle ekonomiese sektore en private industrieë en bedrywe moet onder die beheer van korporasies gebring word. Die staat en arbeid moet vennote by private industrieë en bedrywe word. Op dieselfde wyse moet kapitaal ʼn vennoot by staatsondernemings word. In konklusie, die aanvaarding van uitgebreide korporatisme in Suid-Afrika sal verseker dat die staat, kapitaal en arbeid saamwerk en dat ekonomiese geregtigheid en harmonie sal seëvier. / In its haste to be integrated into the global economy, following many years of political-economic isolation – and thus assume full membership in the international community – the post-apartheid state adopted the economic framework of the free market system, based on the principles of neoliberal capitalism as its normative foundation for addressing the “legacy of apartheid”. The adoption of the economic model of neoliberal capitalism has, however, proved to be problematic insofar as it has failed significantly to address and thus overcome post-apartheid South Africa‟s most fundamental moral-political-economic challenge, namely poverty. This thesis offers an alternative economic model, namely extended corporatism. While the neoliberal economic model emphasises individual interest (based on the philosophical principle of autonomy in the economic sphere), the corporatist model, in contrast, emphasises collective interest (based on the philosophical principle of collective ownership and responsibility). The advocacy of extended corporativism is based on the following key claims: 1. The free market system must be retained, but some form of strategic intervention is necessary so that certain socio-political and economic results can be achieved. 2. The current form of corporatism in South Africa is in fact tripartism (a weak form of corporatism). An extended corporatist political economy can by brought about by the implementation of corporations, the establishment of an economic legislative body, labour courts and centralised wage bargaining. 3. Extended corporatism can address South Africa‟s socio-economic problems. Transformation can be promoted by a paradigm shift away from liberal capitalism, a power shift away from the white capitalist enclave and a distribution shift in favour of the black impoverished lower classes. 4. All economic sectors as well as private industries and businesses must be brought under the control of corporations. The state and labour must become partners in private industries and businesses. In the same way capital must become a partner in state enterprises. In conclusion, the adoption of extended corporatism in South Africa will ensure that state, capital and labour work together and that economic justice and harmony will prevail. / Ekuxhamezeleni kombuso owasungulwa emva kokuphela kobandlululo kuleli, ngenjongo yokuthi udidiyelwe emnothweni womhlaba, kulandela iminyaka eminingi ukhishwe inyumbazana kwezepolitiki nakwezomnotho – futhi ukuze uthathe indawo yawo njengelungu eligcwele lomphakathi wamazwe ngamazwe – waqoka ukwamukela nokusebenzisa uhlaka lwezomnotho lohlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile, olwakhelwe phezu kwemigomo yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, njengesisekelo-nkambiso sayo sokubhekana “nokhondolo lobandlululo”. Kodwa-ke, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kwemodeli yezomnotho yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, sekubonise ukuba yinkinga impela njengoba sekuhluleke kwancama ukunqoba inselele enkulukazi eNingizimu Afrika selokhu kwaphela ubandlululo, yokuqinisekisa ukubhekelelwa komuntu wonke, ephathelene nezepolitiki kanye nezomnotho, okuyinselele yobubha. Lo mbhalo wetisisi uhlinzeka ngemodeli yezomnotho ehlukile engasetshenziswa, futhi leyo modeli wubukopeletsheni obeluliwe (extended corporatism). Njengoba inqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zomuntu ngamunye, (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yokuzimela kwezomnotho), imodeli yobukopeletsheni ngakolunye uhlangothi yona igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zabantu ngokuhlanganyela (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yobunikazi obuhlanganyelwe kanye nesibopho esihlanganyelwe). Ukwesekwa kanye nokukhuthazwa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe kusekelwe phezu kwalezi zitatimende ezisemqoka: 1. Uhlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile kumele lugcinwe, kodwa-ke kuyadingeka ukungenelela okuthile okukhethekile ukuze kuzuzwe imiphumela ethile yezenhlalo-politiki kanye nezomnotho. 2. Uhlobo lobukopeletsheni olukhona njengamanje kuleli, eqinisweni, luwubukopeletsheni obungunxantathu (obubandakanya isivumelwano phakathi kwabaqashi, izinyunyana zabasebenzi kanye nohulumeni), i-tripartism (okuwuhlobo lobukopeletsheni oluntekenteke kakhulu). Umnotho wezepolitiki oncike kubukopeletsheni obeluliwe ungalethwa ngokuqaliswa kokopeletsheni, nangokusungulwa kwenhlangano eshaya imithetho ephathelene nezomnotho, nezinkantolo zabasebenzi kanye nokuxoxisana ngamaholo okwenziwa esigcawini esisodwa esibandakanya zonke izinhlaka ezithintekayo. 3. Ubukopeletsheni obeluliwe bungazixazulula izinkinga zenhlalo-mnotho ezibhekene neNingizimu Afrika. Uguquko lungagqugquzeleka ngokuthi kuphunywe kwinqubo ekhululekile yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe, futhi kuphunywe ngaphansi kwenqubo yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe abamhlophe, kuguqukelwe emnothweni obhekelela abantu abamnyama abasemazingeni aphansi ababhuqabhuqwa wububha nenhlupheko. 4. Yonke imikhakha yomnotho kanjalo nezimboni namabhizinisi azimele kumele kufakwe ngaphansi kolawulo lokopeletsheni. Umbuso kanye nabasebenzi kumele babambisane nezimboni namabhizinisi. Ngendlela efanayo, ogombelakwesakhe nabo kumele babambisane namabhizinisi ombuso. Uma sengiphetha, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe eNingizimu Afrika kuyoqinisekisa ukuthi umbuso, ogombelakwesakhe kanye nabasebenzi basebenza ngokubambisana futhi kanjalo lokho kuyoletha ubulungiswa bezomnotho kanye nokuzwana. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)

La construction européenne fut entre la conférence de La Haye en 1969 et la signature de l’Acte unique européen en 1986, une entreprise d’intégration des sociétés européennes principalement économique, notamment fondée sur la libre circulation des marchandises, des hommes mais aussi des services et des capitaux. Ce projet de marché unique transnational fut un défi inouï lancé aux Etats et aux partis politiques qui organisent l’expression politique au sein de chaque nation. Deux partis, profondément enracinés par leur identité socialiste et démocratique dans la vie de leur nation et également mus par l’idéal européen, le parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD) et le Parti socialiste français (PS), furent, par l’action de leurs dirigeants au pouvoir, étroitement associés à la réalisation du projet européen.Ces partis furent-ils des acteurs qui imprimèrent la marque du socialisme démocratique à la construction européenne ou l’accompagnèrent-ils sans en corriger les traits originaux ? Ont-ils façonné le modèle économique de l’intégration européenne ou s’est-il imposé à eux ? Partant, cette expérience européenne les conduisit-elle à préserver ou à modifier leur identité ? Notre recherche nous conduit ainsi à étudier la rencontre entre deux utopies, l’utopie européenne et l’utopie du socialisme démocratique et à mesurer l’extrême difficulté pour ces deux partis de créer un modèle qui fasse converger ces deux caractéristiques du PS et du SPD et leur permette de rester des forces politiques d’avenir, riches de propositions partagées à l’échelle européenne. / Between the conference of The Hague (1965) and the signing of the Single European Act (1986), the European Construction was foremost an economic endeavour aiming at integrating the European societies and based on the free movement of goods, people, services and money. The creation of the common market was an extraordinary challenge for the nation states and for the political parties which are responsible for the expression of the political life of their nation. Two parties, the French socialist party (PS) and the social-democratic party of Germany (SPD), both deeply rooted in the political life of their own nation, with a socialist and democratic identity, but also moved by European ideals, were greatly involved in the realisation of the European project, mainly through the action of their leaders when these were exercising their national responsibilities and ruling their nation.Thus the questioning: did these parties leave the mark of democratic socialism on the European construction or did they only accompany it without correcting the original features? Did they participate in the definition of the European economic model or not? And in turn, did the European construction lead them to preserve or to modify their identity?Our inquiry leads us to study how two utopian ideas, the path towards democratic socialism and the path towards European unity, interfere. The extreme difficulty for both parties to create a convergence between these two paths could prevent them from remaining political strengths with great future at national and European scale.

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>