With the exponential growth of Facebook users worldwide, this platform for social network online has become a powerful tool to connect individuals and share information with each other. This study explores the phenomenal trend of utilizing a Facebook application called Causes to help users organize into online communities for a specific cause and mobilize their resources for disaster relief during the Haiti earthquake disaster. Two separate samples of 100 joiners each from the American Red Cross (ARC) Cause on Facebook were randomly selected before and after the Haiti earthquake disaster to examine the differences of the composition (i.e., attributes) and structure (i.e., relational ties) of each social network. The social network analysis performed for this thesis research intends to fill the gap of historical research literature on recruitment to activism and support provision following a disaster in the digital age of the 21 st century. The results of this study show how understanding the membership size of online communities, salient identity for the cause through organizational affiliations, interpersonal ties among the joiners, density of the network as well as gender diversity can be crucial recruitment factors to leverage for disaster relief efforts. The findings reveal a beneficial partnership between disaster relief organizations and online social networks in mobilizing their resources for a speedy response to disasters.

This dissertation analyzes the cultural significance of land relations and caste/religious identity to understand political subjectivity in Punjab, Pakistan. The ethnography details the vicissitudes of a peasant land rights movement, Anjuman-e Mazarin Punjab (Punjab Tenants Association) that is struggling to retain land rights on vast agricultural farms controlled by the Pakistan army. The dissertation argues that land struggles should not only be understood in tropes of locality, but also as interconnected processes that attend to global and local changes in governance. To emphasize these connections, the dissertation gives a relational understanding of 'politics of place' that attends to a range of practices from the history of colonial infrastructure projects (the building of canals, roads and model villages) that transformed this agricultural frontier into the heart of British colonial administration. Similarly, the ethnographic chapters relate the history of 'place making' to the present day uncertainty for small tenant sharecroppers who defied the Pakistan Army's attempts to change land relations in the military farms. Within these parameters, this ethnographic study offers a "thick description" of Punjab Tenants Association to analyze the internal shifts in loyalties and alignments during the course of the protest movement by looking at how caste, religious and/or class relations gain or lose significance in the process. My research seeks to counter the predominant understanding of Muslim political subjectivity, which privileges religious beliefs over social practices and regional identity. Another aspect of my work elucidates the symbolic exchange between the infrastructural project of irrigation, railway construction and regional modernity in central Punjab. The network of canals, roads and railways transformed the semi-arid region of Indus Plains and created a unique relationship between the state and rural society in central Punjab. However, this close relationship between rural Punjab and state administration is not void of conflict but rather it indicates a complex sense of attachment and alienation, inclusion and exclusion from the state. / text

In the context of critical development communication, the processes are discussed centering two key constructs including 'power' and 'dialogic praxis' in the analytical frame for this research. In addition, theories and practices of immigrant media and social movements provide constructive perspectives discussing characteristics forms of collective actions for immigrant communities (local-global, transnational, and heterogeneous; roles of immigrant media (movement resource and cultural resource) in a host society. However, we are less informed about communication processes for migrant agents to construct migrant social movement. Much less is discussed about communication processes and their implications of media communications of immigrant media. Thus, to bridge the theoretical and practical gaps, this dissertation research attempt to contextualize communication processes of an immigrant media, MWTV, engaged in the migrant social movement in order to explore how relatively powerless migrant agents develop alternative forms and ways of praxis for social change through their media communications. Throughout two field research, this particular research could identify a 'asymmetric power structure' formed through the relations between diverse social agencies related to the processes for social changes for the immigrant communities in Korea, which induce 'the mediated praxis' shaping 'asymmetric solidarity,' 'objectification of the migrant agents,' and 'assimilation of movement culture.' Then, the immigrant media, MWTV have been developed to 'remediate' existing dominant forms and ways of social changes constitutive of 'dialogic praxis' of the foreign agents. Thus, media communication of immigrant media is viewed as conscious collective actions to 'remediate mediated praxis' for social and cultural change in a host society rather than mere symbolic resources for social or cultural reorientation. It means that the flexible, collaborator, and reflective communication structure of MWTV are deliberately reconstructed not as 'conditions' but as 'consequences' of critical reflection on mediated praxis. / text

In "One Foot In: Student-Athlete Advocacy and Social Movement Rhetoric in the Margins of American College Athletics," the author explores student-athlete advocacy of black male student-athletes in revenue generating sports and educational and cultural reforms to NCAA policies and bylaws over approximately two decades (1985-2006). The author examines non-profit organizations--Black Coaches Association, Drake Group, Institute for Diversity and Ethics and Sport, and Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics--who pressured the NCAA to enact measures to restore order and balance to American college athletics. In addition, these measures are designed to increase student-athlete graduation rates, increase opportunities for minority coaches and administrators, and protect college educators who blow the whistle on institutions who commit infractions. The author begins by identifying social movement rhetorical strategies--the "Triple Front" strategy of Harold Cruse and Agitation/Control Rhetoric of Bowers, Ochs, and Jensen--to analyze rhetorical interactions between non-profit organizations and the NCAA, especially how the NCAA responds by using control rhetoric in order to protect itself from outside influences. Finally, the author ends the discussion by using autoethnography to analyze my own experiences as a writing program administrator challenging NCAA hegemony by running a progressive writing program within a traditional student-athlete study hall.

Šio darbo objektas – yra aktyvizmas, kaip ryšių su visuomene priemonė. Susiejant aktyvizmą ir ryšių su visuomene veiklą darbe nagrinėjama kaip organizacijos naudoja aktyvizmą savo ryšių su visuomene veikloje. Darbo tikslas – rasti teorinę poziciją, kuri paaiškintų, kaip aktyvizmas gali tapti ryšių su visuomene priemone ir praktiškai visa tai pagrįsti. Tikslui atskleisti keliami šie uždaviniai: apibrėžiamos aktyvizmo ir ryšių su visuomene sąvokas; aptariamos socialinius judėjimus aiškinančios teorijos; analizuojama, kokias tikslais ir kaip aktyvizmas naudojamas ryšių su visuomene veikloje, kas turi įtakos ir nulemia tokių priemonių pasirinkimo sėkmę; remiantis teorine dalimi sudaroma tyrimo metodologiją; praktiškai pagrindžiama, jog tyrime naudojamas pavyzdys yra socialinis judėjimas pritaikytas ryšių su visuomene veikloje. Darbe naudojamas nukreipto tiriamojo interviu metodas. Tam pasitelkta riedutininkų klubo „Ketvirtadienio nakties karštis“ Vilniaus mieste surengta pilietinė iniciatyva „Atkreipk dėmesį – tu esi stebimas“. Buvo apklaustas pagrindinis šios iniciatyvos organizatorius, riedutininkų klubo prezidentas A. Šapola. Keliama hipotezė, kad išankstiniais ryšiais susiję žmonės susijungia į pasipriešinimo tinklą siekdami socialinio ar politinio pokyčio. Aktyvizmo panaudojimas tokiomis sąlygomis tampa veiksminga ryšių su visuomene priemone. Tyrimas patvirtino hipotezę, jog organizacijos įtikinę visuomenę, kad jiems svarbi problema kartu yra ir visuomenės problema... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The subject of this master thesis is an activism like device of public relation. This master explains how to relate two different ranges: an activism and public relation in practice. The aim of this work is to explain how it’s possible to used activism like device of public relation. The main objectives were these: to define activism and public relation definitions; to analyse theories of social movements; to analyse how and why public relation use an activism in its practice, what have an influence and decide success; to define main concepts of the research; to create methodology; to prove, that research example is a social movement and in the same time it is device of public relation. Interview was used as a method. Example of research is roller-skate club “Heat of Thursday night” social movement named “Attention – you are watched”. this action organizer was as respondent. This action was in Vilnius that very day, when in many cities in the world was „International days againts video“. The hypothesis was that “many ties connecting people in social network. Organization use this network like public relation device”. Hypothesis was fully supported by the research. Research show that network was flexible and changing in time. Organization convinces people to tackle a problem together and in the same time make image. This work might be used in further studies and practice of public relation and in the practice.

This thesis contributes to the knowledge and understanding of the anti-racist movement in Sweden by describing its development from the early 1930s to the mid-2000s. It pays special attention to mapping and analyzing the ideas that have motivated anti-racist activities and their importance for mobilizing support and movement activity. Using the theoretical toolbox of the framing perspective, the strengths, weaknesses, possibilities and limitations of different anti-racist frames are discussed, as are the consequences of different types of intra-movement frame disputes and frame contests with external actors. By tracing and describing the historical development of the movement and different types of anti-racist frames, I create a typology of different anti-racist actors - what I call pragmatic, radical and moderate anti-racists. The activities of these types of actors are described throughout the long and winding history of the movement. In the thesis, the movement’s history is divided into four waves of protest. The movement’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. It continues during the 1960s and onwards with the anti-apartheid movement, the 1980s mass mobilizations against domestic racist groups and the intensified struggles of the last decades against racist extremism, right-wing populism and various aspects of structural racism. Based on the typology, three cases are selected for further scrutiny. Pragmatic anti-racism is studied through the activities of Stoppa rasismen (Stop racism) in the 1980s, radical anti-racism through Antifascistisk aktion (Antifascist action, also known as AFA) during the 1990s and moderate anti-racism through Samling mot rasism och diskriminering (Gathering against racism and discrimination) at the turn of the millennium. By gaining access to extensive empirical material I have been able to follow each case from its first steps to its downfall. The material has been gathered from a variety of sources using different qualitative techniques. I have conducted semi-structured interviews with activists and analyzed protocols, pamphlets, journals, internal bulletins, mails, posters, speeches, web pages that have been disbanded, pictures, films and books. The analysis shows that the different types of actors face different challenges, and have different strengths and weaknesses when it comes to mobilizing consensus and fostering participation. However, the three actors have also faced common challenges when trying to mobilize against racism given the national context, the self-image of Sweden as a tolerant, open and egalitarian country and the dominant views of racism, which taken together has turned racism into a serious but fairly marginal problem. The analysis also shows the effects of frame disputes and frame contests with regard to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects of framing. At times the dividing lines have led to a broadening of the movement and its work, creating a wide mobilization potential and a strong multitudinous movement. During other periods the differences have contributed to long and profound conflicts that have drained the organizations and activists of time, resources and energy. Instead of focusing on combating their opponents, the anti-racist groups have been engulfed in internal strife, which has severely fragmented, divided and weakened the movement and hindered mobilization – contributing to turning the movement into a dispersed “milieu” by the mid-2000s. The thesis concludes with a chapter discussing how the empirical applicability of the framing perspective can be improved.

No description available.

In an ethnographic examination of the "modern" roller derby movement that began in the early 2000s, I explore Women's Flat Track Derby in Florida. What does it mean to be a roller derby player? How is she conceptualized and commodified? Or more centrally, how is third wave feminism used as a catalyst of this commodification? In order to fully appreciate, understand, and even embrace roller derby, I look at roller derby leagues as social movement organizations (SMOs) in order to note how they frame themselves and maintain collective identity the commodification of third wave feminism. First, I will explore various facets of the "modern" roller derby movement by way of gender, sexuality, and youth as central themes of roller derby culture and identity. Second, I note how roller derby utilizes rhetoric associated with third wave feminism. Third, I examine how roller derby is conceptualized as a social movement and while doing so note the charity organizations that various leagues support. I go on to explore how cultural capital is used in roller derby as a way to create insider knowledge while appropriating third wave feminism. Finally, I will look at how all aspects of roller derby I discussed illuminate a critique of third wave feminism. It is through these facets that I illustrate how the modern flat track roller derby employs third wave feminist rhetoric to produce and commodify the roller derby player identity.

This thesis documents a qualitative research study of twenty postmodern therapy practitioners in Aotearoa New Zealand, focusing on their experiences in the wider field of therapy. The participants were aligned in their subscribing to postmodern critiques of therapy as a instrument of power, and in their interest in, and use of, therapy techniques and approaches that have grown out of those critiques – including narrative therapy, critical psychology, “Just Therapy”, and feminist poststructuralist therapy approaches. I argue that these practitioners represent a social movement within the field of therapy. The thesis examines the nature of the wider therapy field in Aotearoa New Zealand, analysing the perspectives of the participants. I demonstrate how this field has become increasingly dominated by the twin forces of neoliberalism and bio-science, making postmodern therapy work difficult, particularly within public sector services. In the final substantive part of the thesis, I critically examine and appraise the strategies used by participants to negotiate and resist these forces. This discussion is divided into two main chapters, dealing first with the participants who have difficulty in engaging in official politics and who consequently attempt to operate “under the radar” of management surveillance: these participants are characterised as “battlers”, “burn-outs” and “blow-outs”. Then, I turn my attention to the second group of participants – “infiltrators”, “outsiders” and “accepters” – who strategically utilise symbolic capital to pose resistance, or simply leave the public system. I also consider the professed abilities of this second group to cultivate a postmodern sensibility and to tolerate contradiction and compromise. I conclude this investigation of the possibilites for resistance to neoliberal and bio-scientific discourses by recommending greater strengthening of this local postmodern therapy movement.

In this dissertation I focus on the diversity of alternative food initiatives (AFIs) that have emerged amidst concerns about the corporate-led industrial food system. While there have been significant successes, critics suggest that many AFIs are an inadequate response to the complex problems within the food system, and further, are complicit in propagating neoliberal ideals and facilitating the retrenchment of the state. While these critics identify important challenges, they tend to consider place-based AFIs as operating independently on particular projects, with specific claims, or in isolated sectors of the food system. There has been little documentation or analysis situating AFIs within a broader community of practice. To fill this gap, my research builds on the existing literature to investigate the increasing collaborations among AFIs in Canada. Using a community-based action approach, I explore the development of provincial food networks in British Columbia, Manitoba, Ontario and Nova Scotia. I pay particular attention to efforts that foster and maintain these networks by exploring their history, structure and processes of collaboration. My findings reveal that the provincial food networks can be characterized as assemblages constituted by the self-organization of diverse actors through non-hierarchical, bottom-up processes with multiple and overlapping points of contact. Further, I find that AFIs have used networks strategically to contest the rules and institutions of the dominant food system and to develop participatory and democratic practices that challenge the logics of neoliberalism. Based on the results from this research, I argue that besides developing viable place-based alternatives to the dominant food system, AFIs are also involved in prefigurative ways of being - establishing democratic governance structures, building new institutions, and engaging in different kinds of social relations - in the belly of the existing (food) system.