A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of I aw University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Johannesburg 1978 / lae evolution of the treaty-making power in the Republic has been heavily influenced by the fact that South Africa, as one of the 'older’ British Dominions, acquired independent through a slow but orderly constitutional process. In ■i c first two chapters of this thesis I have ^ therefore attempted to sketch briefly the force at work in South Africa ’“'J n 'tt{ earliest f orm.iti ve years. This ha.-: stalled m examination of c ‘ 1 ; onstitutit i.i 1 ;aw I ssue:. ( nc lud i n fh pr- rogatlve powers of the Crown in relation to treat!c >• and declarai i i.s of war) as well as U problems of internal! nai law. My resear it in th s field led re. to won don and 1111 wva. : of mcttr - il lodged in the various Comr'onweal th mm libraries. In the i i.ir.i and fourth chapters I have concentrated on more immediate matters, namely, th. ■gotiation and conclusion, ratification and implementation of treaties in present-day South Af.lea. The dearth of published in! ormation on th * topic ha necessitated the construction of an overall """* pi.ture by in- in!-tv avii o information obtained fret, the Department ° • ^ Affairs with the views of the International Law Commission as tJ xpr< ssed in the 1969 Vienna C nventiort on the Law of Treaties. It should ^ be i t d that. , ilthough South Africa has not yet ratified the Convention, it recognizes its international validity and attempts, whenever possible, to give effect to its provisions. Chapter five covers th constitutional limitations on the treatyweei making power as well as the inter-relaiionship f international law with "1 municipal law. In both these relat. i ar- as South African practice has be cm moulded n British lines. A a result I have been led to compare — I the law (: -th precedent and principle) in South Xi rica v. . th that of Britain. «J I have attempted to show, too, that the Blacks tone doctrine that 1internation ! law 1 part of the 1 iw o! the land' is not applicable to treaties. ^ A number of States have acquired indepvnd nee in recent years or are in the proce s of doing .o af the present time. With this in mind, an r*t international i • t- rence was convened in Vienna in April, 1977, to discuss succession of State to treaties, and a dtaft convention was formulated. I have included a chapter on the South African approach to succession of *** States to treaties not only because the problem is topical but also fl because it affects the Republic personally'. South Af ri an courts have M been approached on several occasions to decide whether treaties have

In this work trough the analysis of development and conception of the sovereignty it is brought to life, that sovereignty belongs to the stretched nation. It is visible, that such provision is provided in all Constitutions of the EU Member States while circumscription is thinkable only of competencies of the States. All Union Members realize sovereignty in similar manner: as supreme authority in determinate territory. It is certainly, that such definition wasn’t established at one dash. At first it was formulated by J. Bodin and all latter thinkers just sophisticated it. According to the EU Member States Constitutions it is shown, that “aged” and “new” Community Countries are lean to delegate, transfer or concede their sovereign powers for the EU only considering the profit for the country. Almost all ���new” Members are also declined to render their prerogatives if appropriate changes in constitutions is not to be done. Exception is Lithuania and Estonia, where were enacted just Constitutional Acts. Comparing the EU and USA sovereignty conceptions we can see that USA is the only state in the world, which can exercise their external sovereignty almost without any restrictions whereas the EU is seeking to consolidate de iure conception of sovereignty, where all states are of equal value. Analyzing the Constitutional Treaty of the EU we can see, that community isn’t granted with sovereignty. That are states, which determines competence of Union and at any time it could be... [to full text]

A tese tem, como pano de fundo, os acontecimentos políticos recentes que, desde 2002, geram fundamentais mudanças no Oriente Médio e, como foco principal, o Egito e a Turquia, Estados-chave da região. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar, com base em conceitos da teoria política clássica, moderna e contemporânea, a natureza dos regimes políticos dos países aqui citados. Países que deixaram de ser autocráticos, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, ainda não construíram uma forma de governo baseada na democracia liberal de estilo ocidental. Afinal, que espécie de governo está sendo construído no Egito e na Turquia? É possível colocar os modelos de democracia, liberalismo e democracia liberal enquanto paradigma definitivo para os dois casos? Ou se faz necessário abrir um horizonte mais amplo dentro da ciência política, buscando compreender as formas de governos mistos historicamente construídos desde a Antiguidade greco-romana? Nesse contexto, a tese busca também analisar outros conceitos importantes dentro da área, como Estado, soberania, nação e, especificamente, islã (governo de Deus), decisivo na forma como turcos e egípcios formam as suas respectivas sociedades e os seus governos. / The backdrop thesis is the recent political developments that have led to fundamental changes in the Middle East from 2002 to the 1st half of 2013, focusing mainly Egypt and Turkey, key states in the region, analyzing them from concepts of Classical, Modern and Contemporary Political Theory, and which is the nature of the political regimes of the countries cited here. These countries that have ceased to be autocratic, but where at the same time, not yet built a Liberal-Democratic form of Western-style government. After all, what kind of governments is going to be built in Egypt and Turkey? Is it possible to present models of democracy, liberalism and liberal democracy as paradigm for the final two cases? Or is it necessary to open a wider horizon in Political Science, trying to understand the forms of mixed governments, historically constructed since ancient Greco-Roman Age? In this context, the thesis analyzes other important concepts as state sovereignty, nation, and specifically the definition of Islam (rule of God), which is quite decisive in how Egyptians and Turks form their respective societies and their governments.

A tese tem, como pano de fundo, os acontecimentos políticos recentes que, desde 2002, geram fundamentais mudanças no Oriente Médio e, como foco principal, o Egito e a Turquia, Estados-chave da região. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar, com base em conceitos da teoria política clássica, moderna e contemporânea, a natureza dos regimes políticos dos países aqui citados. Países que deixaram de ser autocráticos, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, ainda não construíram uma forma de governo baseada na democracia liberal de estilo ocidental. Afinal, que espécie de governo está sendo construído no Egito e na Turquia? É possível colocar os modelos de democracia, liberalismo e democracia liberal enquanto paradigma definitivo para os dois casos? Ou se faz necessário abrir um horizonte mais amplo dentro da ciência política, buscando compreender as formas de governos mistos historicamente construídos desde a Antiguidade greco-romana? Nesse contexto, a tese busca também analisar outros conceitos importantes dentro da área, como Estado, soberania, nação e, especificamente, islã (governo de Deus), decisivo na forma como turcos e egípcios formam as suas respectivas sociedades e os seus governos. / The backdrop thesis is the recent political developments that have led to fundamental changes in the Middle East from 2002 to the 1st half of 2013, focusing mainly Egypt and Turkey, key states in the region, analyzing them from concepts of Classical, Modern and Contemporary Political Theory, and which is the nature of the political regimes of the countries cited here. These countries that have ceased to be autocratic, but where at the same time, not yet built a Liberal-Democratic form of Western-style government. After all, what kind of governments is going to be built in Egypt and Turkey? Is it possible to present models of democracy, liberalism and liberal democracy as paradigm for the final two cases? Or is it necessary to open a wider horizon in Political Science, trying to understand the forms of mixed governments, historically constructed since ancient Greco-Roman Age? In this context, the thesis analyzes other important concepts as state sovereignty, nation, and specifically the definition of Islam (rule of God), which is quite decisive in how Egyptians and Turks form their respective societies and their governments.

Student Number : 0400454M - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / The debate about the legality and legitimacy of third party intervention in the “domestic” affairs of sovereign states has been ongoing. This research focuses on the intervention by Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the Sierra Leone conflict. The research inquires into the legality and legitimacy of the intervention, against the backdrop of existing international law prohibition on the use of force, and the principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign states. An analysis of the emerging trend of humanitarian intervention and the current emphasis on human security is made in order to determine whether the intervention in Sierra Leone fits into this paradigm. While acknowledging the importance of states in international relations, this study inquires into the shift of security from “state centric” to “people centric”. This study makes a case for sustained efforts in the area of intervention on humanitarian grounds. It further argues that regional organizations should have a pre-emption right to intervene in conflicts that affect their regions of influence. However, the study also recognizes that this concept might be subject to abuse by powerful nations if not well managed. The study therefore recommends the importance of a well articulated framework that will serve as a standard for future interventions.

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Esta pesquisa busca debater, sob vários ângulos e pontos de vista, mas, essencialmente, enfocando o aspecto jurídico, a possibilidade ou não de se adotar uma moeda única no âmbito do Mercosul, a partir da experiência européia com o euro e das tentativas de integração, incluindo-se a análise de questões como a supranacionalidade, a intergovernabilidade, a soberania, a autonomia e independência dos bancos centrais, bem como a criação de um banco central único naquele bloco econômico. São ressaltados, ainda, os conceitos de moeda única, as suas várias funções e características. Ao mesmo tempo, é feita uma incursão histórica pelo mundo em geral, e pelo Brasil, em particular, mostrando a evolução da moeda em seus vários estágios, bem como os diversos instrumentos monetários. Aspectos outros, como o Sistema Monetário Internacional e sua relação com o ouro e outras moedas, também foram objeto de análise. Destaque especial, contudo, foi dado à moeda no Brasil - em especial, às reformas monetárias e aos planos econômicos -, mostrando-se, principalmente no que tange ao mercado de câmbio, as funções do Banco Central do Brasil. Abordam-se também as diferenças entre a União Européia e o Mercosul, passando pela apreciação do importante Tratado de Maastricht. Nesse sentido, avaliam-se as dificuldades jurídicas pelas quais o primeiro bloco passou, e as que o segundo irá enfrentar, como, por exemplo, a harmonização das legislações, a imprevisão constitucional da supranacionalidade, a cláusula de compromisso democrático e a necessária segurança jurídica. E, por fim, lança-se o debate em torno dos pressupostos e critérios para a adoção de uma moeda única no Mercosul, com uma análise crítica mais particularizada das vantagens e desvantagens, e destacando seus reflexos no comércio internacional. Nas conclusões, refutamos os argumentos favoráveis à adoção de uma moeda única no Mercosul, a partir do entendimento fundamental de que inexistem, nem agora e nem no futuro previsível, as precondições políticas e jurídicas para a sua implantação. / This research seeks to discuss, under many angles and views, but essentially focusing on the juridical aspects, if there is any possibility to adopt a common currency within Mercosul from the European experience with the euro and the attempts of integration, including the analysis of issues such as the supra-nationalism, the inter governmentalism, sovereignty, autonomy and independence of central banks, as well as the creation of a common central bank for that economic bloco. Furthermore, the common currency concepts and its several functions and characteristics are emphasized. At the same time, an historical incursion all over the world in general, and within Brazil, in particular, is made, by pointing out the evolution of the currency, its several stages and the various monetary instruments. Other aspects, such as the International Monetary System and its relation with gold and other currencies, have also been subject to analysis. However, special emphasis is given to Brazil\'s currency - specially to the monetary reforms and economic plans -, stressing the roles of the Brazilian Central Bank, mainly as regards the foreign exchange market. The differences between the EU and the Mercosul are also addressed through the analysis of the important Maastricht Treaty. In this connection, it is assessed the legal problems suffered by the first block and the ones the second will still face, as, for instance, the harmonization of laws, the lack of constitutional prevision of supra-nationalism, the democratic commitment c1ause and the necessary legal certainty. Finally, the discussion is launched on the prerequisites and criteria for the adoption of a common currency within Mercosul, together with a detailed critical analysis of the advantages and disadvantages, and drawing some consequences on the foreign trade. Conclusions contest the favorable ideas to the adoption of a common currency within Mercosul, based on the fundamental understanding that no political and legal preconditions exist, either presently or in the foreknowable future, for its implantation.

Esta pesquisa busca debater, sob vários ângulos e pontos de vista, mas, essencialmente, enfocando o aspecto jurídico, a possibilidade ou não de se adotar uma moeda única no âmbito do Mercosul, a partir da experiência européia com o euro e das tentativas de integração, incluindo-se a análise de questões como a supranacionalidade, a intergovernabilidade, a soberania, a autonomia e independência dos bancos centrais, bem como a criação de um banco central único naquele bloco econômico. São ressaltados, ainda, os conceitos de moeda única, as suas várias funções e características. Ao mesmo tempo, é feita uma incursão histórica pelo mundo em geral, e pelo Brasil, em particular, mostrando a evolução da moeda em seus vários estágios, bem como os diversos instrumentos monetários. Aspectos outros, como o Sistema Monetário Internacional e sua relação com o ouro e outras moedas, também foram objeto de análise. Destaque especial, contudo, foi dado à moeda no Brasil - em especial, às reformas monetárias e aos planos econômicos -, mostrando-se, principalmente no que tange ao mercado de câmbio, as funções do Banco Central do Brasil. Abordam-se também as diferenças entre a União Européia e o Mercosul, passando pela apreciação do importante Tratado de Maastricht. Nesse sentido, avaliam-se as dificuldades jurídicas pelas quais o primeiro bloco passou, e as que o segundo irá enfrentar, como, por exemplo, a harmonização das legislações, a imprevisão constitucional da supranacionalidade, a cláusula de compromisso democrático e a necessária segurança jurídica. E, por fim, lança-se o debate em torno dos pressupostos e critérios para a adoção de uma moeda única no Mercosul, com uma análise crítica mais particularizada das vantagens e desvantagens, e destacando seus reflexos no comércio internacional. Nas conclusões, refutamos os argumentos favoráveis à adoção de uma moeda única no Mercosul, a partir do entendimento fundamental de que inexistem, nem agora e nem no futuro previsível, as precondições políticas e jurídicas para a sua implantação. / This research seeks to discuss, under many angles and views, but essentially focusing on the juridical aspects, if there is any possibility to adopt a common currency within Mercosul from the European experience with the euro and the attempts of integration, including the analysis of issues such as the supra-nationalism, the inter governmentalism, sovereignty, autonomy and independence of central banks, as well as the creation of a common central bank for that economic bloco. Furthermore, the common currency concepts and its several functions and characteristics are emphasized. At the same time, an historical incursion all over the world in general, and within Brazil, in particular, is made, by pointing out the evolution of the currency, its several stages and the various monetary instruments. Other aspects, such as the International Monetary System and its relation with gold and other currencies, have also been subject to analysis. However, special emphasis is given to Brazil\'s currency - specially to the monetary reforms and economic plans -, stressing the roles of the Brazilian Central Bank, mainly as regards the foreign exchange market. The differences between the EU and the Mercosul are also addressed through the analysis of the important Maastricht Treaty. In this connection, it is assessed the legal problems suffered by the first block and the ones the second will still face, as, for instance, the harmonization of laws, the lack of constitutional prevision of supra-nationalism, the democratic commitment c1ause and the necessary legal certainty. Finally, the discussion is launched on the prerequisites and criteria for the adoption of a common currency within Mercosul, together with a detailed critical analysis of the advantages and disadvantages, and drawing some consequences on the foreign trade. Conclusions contest the favorable ideas to the adoption of a common currency within Mercosul, based on the fundamental understanding that no political and legal preconditions exist, either presently or in the foreknowable future, for its implantation.

This diploma thesis deals with teaching growing at primary schools. In the teoretical part the subject growing is charakterized and there is a brief history of teaching this practical subject. Furthermore, attention is paid to the current representation of growing in school education programs, there is an overview of expected outcomes and content of the subject matter of this course and possibilities of application of cross-curricular themes and interdisciplinary relations within it. At the end of the theoretical part there are spatial possibilities for teaching this subject, possibilities of innovation of subject and its link with food sovereignty and the use of local food. The practical part firstly answering the basic research question: How is the teaching of the subject of cultivation work in selected primary schools? The characteristics of each school are described, the hourly subsidies and forms of teaching of this subject, the equipment of the school for the teaching of the course, and the current, interesting and unconventional methods that can serve as examples of good practice of teaching Cultivation works. These dates were assessed in the form of qualitative research. In addition, the practical part is answering the secondary research questions and the results of the quantitative survey,...

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação- Ângela Maria Martins Peixoto - 2016.pdf: 6231751 bytes, checksum: e9732223fee46f80fd4d038a4e742930 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-26 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The focus of this research are the public policies of rural development of the first decade of the 21th century in the scope of a territorial approach through a theoretical and empirical investigation of two programs directed to the peasant agriculture: the Food Acquisition Program (known as Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos – PAA) and National Program of Production and Biodiesel Use (known as Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso do Biodiesel - PNPB). The goal is to understand the effects of the PAA and PNPB for the peasant agriculture, mostly in the micro regions of Catalão and Sudoeste de Goiás to verify the logic related to the implementation of the programs beyond their formal guidelines, i.e., how political decisions of territory management in the federal level influence local and regional levels. Thus, the methodological procedures consisted in bibliographical review about the theme; data collecting of secondary source among some institutions and agencies as the Brazilian Institute of Geography ans Statistics (IBGE), Ministry of the Agrarian Development (MDA); Supply National Company (Conab), National Agency of Oil, Natural Gas and Biofuels (ANP), among other ones; and data collecting of primary source through field research on the selected microrregions. A priori we detach the importance of these programs for the productive insertion of the peasants, composing a political agenda, considering the historically exclusionary type of elaborated policies for the agriculture and that privileged only the great rural producers. However, we must investigate the effectivity of the territorial approach to legitimize the peasant autonomy through the contraposition of the institutional bias and its implementation. PAA has given different territorial effects than the ones of PNPB. The first characterizes as an economic and social policy, and although has not discussed in the debate about food sovereignity, has advanced to decrease food and nutritional insecurity and in the formation of institutional markets for the commercialization of food from the peasant production. The second has been a way of subordination of the peasant agriculture to the agricultural and industrial capital, once the whole productive process is managed by the great industries of biodiesel, which are the majors benefited by the social strategy of the program through the Social Fuel Seal (Selo Combustível Social), beyond setting itself as incentive to soy monoculture, main raw material used in the program. The consequences of the operationalization of these programs has shown two elementary questions of the current dynamics of Brazilian agriculture: the production of food versus the production of energy, as result of the intentions of the elaboration process of such public policies. From these elements, we analyze the (i)materials conditions of existence of peasant agriculture and its remaining in the rural space. / A pesquisa tem como cerne as políticas públicas de desenvolvimento rural da primeira década do século 21 no âmbito de uma abordagem territorial, a partir da investigação teórica e empírica de dois programas direcionados à agricultura camponesa: o Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA) e o Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso do Biodiesel (PNPB). O objetivo do presente trabalho é compreender os efeitos da implementação do PAA e do PNPB para a agricultura camponesa no estado de Goiás, sobretudo nas microrregiões de Catalão e Sudoeste de Goiás, para verificar a lógica inerente à execução dos programas para além de suas diretrizes formais, ou seja, como as decisões políticas de gestão do território em nível federal interferem em nível local e regional. Para isso, os procedimentos metodológicos consistiram em revisão bibliográfica acerca da temática; levantamento de dados de fonte secundária junto a algumas instituições e órgãos como o Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário (MDA); Companhia Nacional de Abastecimento (Conab); Agência Nacional de Petróleo, Gás Natural e Biocombustível (ANP), dentre outros; e coleta de dados de fonte primária por meio da realização de pesquisas de campo nas microrregiões selecionadas. A priori cabe destacar a importância desses programas para a inserção produtiva dos camponeses, compondo uma agenda política, considerando o caráter historicamente excludente das políticas elaboradas para a agricultura e que privilegiavam somente os grandes produtores rurais. Entretanto, cabe averiguar a efetividade da perspectiva territorial para legitimar a autonomia camponesa por meio da contraposição do viés institucional e da sua implementação. Assim, o PAA tem proporcionado efeitos territoriais diferentes do PNPB, porque enquanto o primeiro se caracteriza como uma política econômica e social, e embora não tenha pautado o debate da soberania alimentar, tem avançado na diminuição da insegurança alimentar e nutricional e na formação de mercados institucionais para a comercialização dos alimentos da produção camponesa; o segundo tem se configurado como uma forma de subordinação da agricultura camponesa ao capital agroindustrial, haja vista que todo o processo produtivo é controlado pelas grandes indústrias de biodiesel, que são as grandes beneficiadas pela estratégia social do programa por meio do Selo Combustível Social, além de se configurar como um incentivo à monocultura da soja, principal matéria-prima utilizada no programa. Dessa forma, as implicações do PAA se aproximam de uma proposta de desenvolvimento rural de caráter territorial, enquanto o PNPB, em essência, descaracteriza o modo de vida camponês. Os desdobramentos da operacionalização desses programas têm evidenciado duas problemáticas elementares na atual dinâmica da agricultura brasileira: a produção de alimentos versus a produção de energia, como resultado da intencionalidade inerente ao processo de elaboração de tais políticas públicas. A partir desses elementos cabe analisar as condições (i)materiais de existência da agricultura camponesa e a sua permanência no espaço rural.