Frank Herbert’s Dune is generally recognized as the best-selling science fiction novel of all time. While it is commonly referred to as a novel of environmental characteristics, this essay investigates the depiction of society and how the power dynamics in this far future setting are presented. I argue that Dune’s portrayal of power within the state apparatuses of the ideological and repressive kind are to be related to issues and concerns that were observable within the state powers of America and the west during the decades of 1950 and 60. By using the concepts and theories of Louis Althusser and Michel Foucault, I claim that the centralized ideology found within the whole state apparatus of Dune endangers the freedoms of the individual in ways that can be related to its contemporary real-world setting. The first part of the essay is an exploratory investigation in how power is being expressed within the two institutions of the military and the church, as well as how the protagonist deals with the burden of authority. This is analyzed in terms of Althusser’s arguments on the reproduction of ideology and the Foucauldian concepts of biopolitics and disciplinary expressions. The second part revolves around a historicist approach, namely how these expressions within the novel are related to the contemporary setting of the United States and its western neighbours. This latter analysis addresses the foreign and domestic policy of the western powers and how, I argue, these are exemplified to an extent within the pages of the novel. This discussion shows how centralized power is presented as an issue due to the influence of ideology, how the different institutions that we perceive as secular and independent become tools for social injustice. Such instances revolve around the subtle insertion of religious values in state affairs and how imperialist intervention is legitimized by the defense of economic and cultural interests, but also how societies are prone to react in the presence of charismatic leaders. Apart from this I also emphasize how the status and subsequent influential significance of Dune have come to play an important part in the development of its genre and how its capabilities of social commentary have been vital to the emergence of “soft” science fiction.

Ideology, as explained by Louis Althusser, is used by ideological state apparatuses (ISAs) to reinforce the control of the dominant class. ISAs in turn consist of elements of society such as families, schools, and churches. In the works of Michael Ende, Astrid Lindgren, and Paul Maars, Momo, Pippi and the Sams defy the ideologies and norms of their respective societies. This thesis shows that the three children can do this because they are alien children and therefore exist beyond the reach of the ISAs of their respective worlds.

The embryo of higher education starts from medieval era. Along with the Renaissance, and Enlightenment, the domain knowledge in higher education comprises theology, philosophy and science. It is the most distinguish character in contemporary capitalism States that science and technology gradually becomes the leading productivity engine. The core competence of science and technology exists in the research and development (R&D) capability. Once the higher education involves in the development of science and technology, the State naturally regards it as one of key production elements. This essay is based on the theory of production relationship, studying the interaction between economy (infrastructure) and ideology (politics and education), and taking the evolution of higher education in Post-war Taiwan as an example. Here we called higher education in Taiwan in the period of 1954 to 1980 as Dominant State Apparatus. During this period the State practiced nationalism through elite politics and technocratic. In 50s and 60s, the State emphasized the political stability, so the ideology was one of the standards for selecting freshmen into higher education. In 60s to 80s, leaded by Council for Economic Planning and Development, the State adjusted the rate of higher education attainment and adjusted the proportion of different colleges/ departments in higher education according to the rational economic value. A report of manpower development by Council for Economic Planning and Development is encouraging a steady rise in the area of science, medicine, agriculture, and engineering, so called natural science in higher education. And the neglect of social science, Liberal Arts is resulted. From 80s, the higher education in Taiwan remains instrumentality, which is called Latent State Apparatus here. The higher education follows the State¡¦s strategic industry and technology policy accordingly. The State enforces higher education to develop some particular research areas by giving subsidiary. In this knowledge-based economy era, knowledge commercialized and education industrialized is going to be main trends. It is predictable that higher education would allocate its major resources in research areas, which can yield most economic value. At that moment, Higher Education would become not only the State Apparatus, but also Market Apparatus.

This study is an exploration of the social engineering of the single-party era through the lenses of state officials in their work of propagating the nationalist state ideology. It aims to bring the state officials, in their (re)production of the beliefs and values as products and as the (re)producers of the state ideology, to the forefront. More specifically, it studies the negotiations and the contestations between state officials in regards to three main social structures which are (ethno)nationalism, womanhood, and laicism. A fourth social structure is the hierarchical relations within the state bureaucracy. A deeper understanding of the social engineering through the lenses of state officials is provided through a discursive close reading of the archival data regarding the activities of Halkevleri (People’s Houses), which were state institutions through which the state ideology was propagated to the people.

Esta tese aborda a produção habitacional em São Paulo e Buenos Aires no quadro conformado em países da América Latina entre os anos 1930 e 1960, em que uma série de condições possibilitou que a habitação social fosse construída numa perspectiva de produção em grande escala. As décadas de 1940 e 1950 são definidas como recorte temporal a partir de aproximações entre São Paulo e Buenos Aires nos processos de configuração enquanto metrópoles. Busca-se compreender, por um lado, as especificidades da institucionalização da produção habitacional pelos Estados brasileiro e argentino e, por outro, o papel dos profissionais de arquitetura vinculados a esta produção. A pesquisa teve como suporte fontes bibliográficas, documentais e iconográficas e, enquanto abordagem, filia-se a trabalhos que trazem um esforço de reflexão sobre uma nova perspectiva latino-americana, compreendendo que a questão habitacional no período em tela e as soluções propostas para seu enfrentamento não se esgotam em âmbito nacional. Os contextos sócio-políticos no Brasil e na Argentina são estudados em relação ao processo de institucionalização da produção habitacional e à aproximação entre governos e população trabalhadora, a quem se dirigiam as políticas habitacionais. Os espaços de articulação entre profissionais de arquitetura na América Latina nas primeiras décadas do século XX são analisados de modo a desvendar o debate sobre a questão da habitação. Os processos de urbanização e desenvolvimento de São Paulo e Buenos Aires são relacionados à política e à produção habitacional dos respectivos países. Considerando-se este conjunto de aspectos, os projetos habitacionais são examinados a partir de aproximações e especificidades da produção em grande escala nas duas cidades. As diferenças na concepção da política habitacional e do aparato estatal, os diferentes vínculos entre profissionais de arquitetura e Estado, bem como as diferenças na ocupação urbana e nos processos de urbanização nas duas cidades, implicaram diferentes formas de concretização da perspectiva de produção em grande escala em São Paulo e Buenos Aires. / This thesis deals with the housing production in São Paulo and Buenos Aires within a context established in Latin American countries between the 1930s and 1960s, in which a series of conditions enabled social housing to be constructed in a perspective of large-scale production. The decades of the 1940s and 1950s are defined as periods of study based on approximations between São Paulo and Buenos Aires in the processes of configuration as metropolis. It is proposed to understand, on the one hand, the specificities of the institutionalization of housing production by the Brazilian and Argentine states and, on the other hand, the role of architecture professionals linked to this production. The research was supported by bibliographic, documentary and iconographic sources and, as an approach, is associated to works that bring an effort to reflect on a new Latin American perspective, understanding that the housing issue in the period in question and the solutions proposed for it are not exhausted at the national level. The socio-political contexts in Brazil and Argentina are studied in relation to the process of institutionalization of housing production and to the approach of governments and working population, to which housing policies were directed. The spaces of articulation between professionals of architecture in Latin America in the first decades of the twentieth century are analyzed in order to unveil the debate on the housing question. The processes of urbanization and development of São Paulo and Buenos Aires are related to the politics and the housing production of the respective countries. Considering this set of aspects, the housing projects are examined, by highlighting the approximations and specificities of large-scale or massive production in the two cities. Differences in the conception of housing policy and the state apparatus, the different links between architecture professionals and the State, as well as the differences in urban occupation and urbanization processes in the two cities, meant that the prospect of large-scale production were materialized in different ways in Sao Paulo and Buenos Aires.

ABSTRACT During Dutch Colonial domination, one of the most controversial themes was that why the Indonesian society had failed to generate an indigenous bourgeoisie. Since the post-colonial era, most developing countries are facing three dilemmas: the state building, the formation of social classes, the capital accumulation. For the methodology, the dissertation both takes a¡§state-center¡¨view and tries to apply an approach to explore the formation of Bureaucratic Capitalist during Suharto time with a view of historical-structure from the concept of state, class and capital. Furthermore, the studies will focus on three fields. First, why over 350 years, the mercantile policy of the colonial regime had failed to penetrate into the whole Indonesia shaping an indigenous bourgeoisie. Secondly, from 1950 to 1965, President Sukarno had taken the state-capitalism as a developmental strategy why Indonesian society still had not found indigenous bourgeoisie strong enough to take responsibility of leading capitalist revolution. Thirdly, after 1965, in the power of Suharto, the state has played a decisive role in the shaping the development of big entrepreneurs in the post-colonial Indonesia. In addition, the studies will review and provide a critical analysis of the works of Indonesia Studies in the West, and continues to dialogue with the contemporary academician in the field. Key Words: Agricultural Involution, Asian Mode of Production, Pre-capitalism, Dual Economy, Articulation Theory, State Apparatus, Capital Accumulation, Commercialization, Bureaucratic-Capitalist Class

Submitted by Morgana Silva (morgana_linhares@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-06-22T17:30:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 808413 bytes, checksum: 3ff97a092a616b0cfcc22ec0039bf9c4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-22T17:30:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 808413 bytes, checksum: 3ff97a092a616b0cfcc22ec0039bf9c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-22 / Analyzes social networks, computer-mediated, from Althusser's theory of Ideological State Apparatuses (IEA) realizing them while a Ideological Device Information. Considers the Internet as cyberspace, Pierre Levy in perspective, that is, as a communication space opened by the global interconnection of computers. It proposes the construction of the concept of ideological information, conceptual base built from reflections on the understanding of the information phenomenon, following the ideology concept. Realize the Ideological information as a subordinate phenomenon materiality condition once every subject, while being free acts for their ideas, as endowed with consciousness, believes these ideas acting in accordance with them, printing in this act the acts of their practice material. Our methodological warp seeks to present Facebook in its history, discussing its main characteristics , arguing for that the internet and social networks on the Internet ( or social networks mediated by computer) in the view of some theorists , anchoring in Manuel Castells conceptions about characteristics involving Facebook as a social network mediated by computers. Follow investigating the characteristics of the mass media, these institutions that make up the Ideological Apparatuses information, enabling us to perceive the Internet as a means of mass communication. Therefore and on the understanding of Ideological analyze information Facebook as a space of struggle, where the subjects perceive and make use of the scientific and political weapons, found this tool to counter the ideologies transmitted by the ruling classes. Thus the Information Ideological apparatus is not only object, but instead of class struggle, since the resistance of the oppressed classes can find the means and the occasion of it and from it, to express themselves / Analisa as redes sociais, mediadas por computador, a partir da teoria althusseriana dos Aparelhos Ideológicos de Estado (AIE) percebendo-as enquanto um Aparelho Ideológico de Informação. Para tanto, considera a internet enquanto um ciberespaço, na perspectiva de Pierre Levy, ou seja, como um espaço de comunicação aberto pela interconexão mundial dos computadores. Propõe a construção do conceito de informação ideológica, base conceitual construída a partir de reflexões sobre o entendimento do fenômeno informação, seguindo do conceito ideologia. Percebe a Informação Ideológica como um fenômeno subordinado a condição de materialidade uma vez que todo sujeito, enquanto ser livre age por suas ideias, pois dotado de consciência, crê nessas ideias agindo de acordo com elas, imprimindo nesse agir os atos de sua prática material. Nossa urdidura metodológica busca apresentar o Facebook em seu histórico, abordando suas principais características, discutindo para isso a internet e as redes sociais na internet (ou redes sociais mediadas por computador) na visão de alguns teóricos, ancorando nas concepções de Manuel Castell acerca de características que envolvem o Facebook, enquanto rede social mediada por computadores. Segue investigando as características dos meios de comunicação de massa, instituições estas que compõem os Aparelhos Ideológicos de Informação, possibilitando-nos perceber a internet como um meio de comunicação de massa. Sendo assim e diante da compreensão de Informação Ideológica analisamos o Facebook como um espaço de luta, aonde os sujeitos percebem e fazem uso das armas científicas e políticas, encontradas nesta ferramenta, para se contrapor às ideologias transmitidas pelas classes dominantes. Assim o Aparelho Ideológico de Informação não é apenas objeto, mas lugar da luta de classes, uma vez que as resistências das classes oprimidas podem encontrar o meio e a ocasião de, nele e a partir dele, se expressarem.

This dissertation analyses the extent to which dominant political ideologies generate meanings in television news texts. The working process of the television news system and the manner in which television news constructs news programmes are discussed. In light of the televisual mode of news production, the author demonstrates how ideologically inspired meanings can systematically enter the television news system and thus potentially manipulate the production of television news broadcasts, though making a semiotic analysis of the CNN representations of September 11. This study is situated within the field of visual culture studies, and semiotic theory is employed to a great extent throughout. The author discusses the influence of dominant political ideologies on the television news production process, and how this contributes to the restriction of the polysemy of the television news sign. Television news representations may be mediated and manipulated in such a way to encourage viewers to produce readings that are favourable towards a certain dominant political ideology. The many mechanisms that television news utilises to create meaning are discussed. The mechanisms that are identified by the author as being the most effective in the production of ideologically inspired meanings are paid particular attention. These semiotic mechanisms include the manipulation of iconic signs, the construction of arbitrary signs and the representation of myths. The CNN representations of the September 11 events are analysed for their ideological content, and the author contends that these televisual representations were deliberately constructed to inspire readings that would be favourable to the ideology of Americanism. Therefore, Americanism, as an example of a dominant political ideology, is discussed. The visual mechanisms employed by CNN after September 11 are analysed. These include the editing of visually recorded footage, the treatment of the newsreader and the incorporation of the image of the American flag. The author offers a reading of the ideological motivation of these texts. The media myths that are constructed to naturalise Americanism, such as the myth of the hero and the myth of the tower, are discussed with regard to the manner in which they were represented by CNN after September 11. The iconic representations of key political figures involved with the September 11 events are also discussed and their ideological meanings uncovered. The CNN television news broadcasts functioned both to inform an international audience of the terrorist attacks and reinforce an ideology in crisis: namely, Americanism. CNN repeatedly employed many visual mechanisms to encourage viewers to produce readings that were favourable to Americanism. While Americanism entered a period of crisis, it mobilised its Ideological State Apparatuses, including television news, to reinforce and justify its position of power in order to maintain its own dominance after a deliberate blow. This study suggests that the CNN representations of September 11 are an accurate indication of how dominant political ideologies can effect the construction of television news texts. Where television news broadcasters reach large audiences while being ideologically aligned, and viewers are deliberately encouraged to produce certain ideologically inspired readings, television news becomes a medium through which widespread ideological domination can be achieved. / Dissertation (MA (Visual Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

Marriage is arguably one of the most important events and choices to be made in one’s life, especially for many of the female characters in Pride and Prejudice by Jane Austen. Whether characters are searching for a husband for themselves or is searching for someone else, marriage is the source of many conflicts. Social class plays an important part in the marital process in Regency England and remains a point of tension in the novel. Moreover, the women seemingly have different yet similar experiences with the marriage process. This essay will analyze Catherine de Bourgh, Caroline Bingley, Mrs Bennet, Jane Bennet, Elizabeth Bennet as well as Charlotte Lucas, with the focus of the essay being their views and experiences with marriage through a characterization study in order of their social class. The essay will be positioned within classic Marxism due to the importance of social classes in Marx as well as in Neo- Marxism. The main part of the analysis consists of whether a female character acts in agreement or disagreement with the ISAs (Ideological State Apparatuses) as presented by Louis Althusser. It will be evident that some will be in agreement while others are in disagreement. Because of this the essay will also show that regardless of the social classand relation to the ISAs a woman’s main purpose in life is to be a wife and mother, even if Austen hints at characters breaking free from this ideology to make way for a new way of thinking.

Young Adult Dystopian Film exercises an influence over young people of which they are not aware. As part of a structure of domination these films teach students to participate in their own oppression by the capitalist system. The film industry maintains a hidden curriculum like that utilized in school classrooms to conceal the oppression from the masses. One particularly effective means is the portrayal of resistance against oppression in the narratives of the YA Dystopian Film. Young people are drawn to that narrative and end up supporting the structure of domination financially and ideologically. Modes of resistance to this oppression can be found in Media Literacy Education and Public Pedagogy (e.g. culture-jamming). Teachers can incorporate Media Literacy and culture–jamming into a form of radical pedagogy to emancipate students from that oppressive relationship.This thesis investigates the usage of this radical pedagogy though an action research project in a high school drama class in the intermountain west. The students learned the theories, critically reflected on the situation, and created a live culture-jamming performance. The results of the action research show the affordances and limitations of this approach and offer suggestions for instigating its usage by media literacy educators.