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This thesis argues that the state apparatus has failed to provide Africans with a culturally compatible form of governance. The state is a product of colonial origin, and thus, has failed to resonate with Indigenous African spirituality, moral consciousness or political tradition. By grounding my argument in the Eritrean context, I make the case that the Eritrean state – not unlike other African states – is failing in three fundamental ways. First, it is oppressive towards Indigenous institutions of governance, particularly the village baito practiced in the rural highlands of Eritrea. Second, the state promotes a national identity that has been arbitrarily formed and colonially imposed in place of Indigenous ones, such as those formed around regional or linguistic groupings. Lastly, because the Eritrean state is a rather new phenomenon that suffers from a crisis of legitimacy, it inevitably falls back on processes of violence, coercion and control to assert its authority.

This thesis argues that the state apparatus has failed to provide Africans with a culturally compatible form of governance. The state is a product of colonial origin, and thus, has failed to resonate with Indigenous African spirituality, moral consciousness or political tradition. By grounding my argument in the Eritrean context, I make the case that the Eritrean state – not unlike other African states – is failing in three fundamental ways. First, it is oppressive towards Indigenous institutions of governance, particularly the village baito practiced in the rural highlands of Eritrea. Second, the state promotes a national identity that has been arbitrarily formed and colonially imposed in place of Indigenous ones, such as those formed around regional or linguistic groupings. Lastly, because the Eritrean state is a rather new phenomenon that suffers from a crisis of legitimacy, it inevitably falls back on processes of violence, coercion and control to assert its authority.

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Posocialistinių valstybių demokratizacija ir europeizacija gali būti traktuojami kaip ilgalaikiai ir daugialypiai procesai. Ypač todėl, kad fragmentuota ir subordinacinio pobūdžio valstybingumo vystymosi dinamika pokomunistinėse valstybėse sąlygojo žymiai platesnės apimties transformacijos procesus negu, kad tikėjosi klasikinės tranzitologijos atstovai. Todėl susiklosčiusi situacija verčia atidžiau pažvelgti į pokomunistinės valstybės specifiką. Tinkamu analizės objektu galima laikyti Moldovos demokratizacijos ir europeizacijos atvejį. Visų pirma, trapus Moldovos valstybės pagrindas, iš to kylantis skirtingas istorinių-kultūrinių artefaktų vertinimas, susiskaldžiusi pozicija valstybingumo sampratos ir raidos trajektorijų atžvilgiu lemia nevienalytį požiūrį ne tik į tautinę tapatybę, bet ir apskritai sunkina valstybės demokratizacijos ir europeizacijos procesus. Visų antra, Moldovai būdingos ne tik silpnos valstybingumo tradicijos, bet ir politinis ir normatyvinis ankstesnių režimų paveldas, todėl šioje valstybėje ryški demokratinių vertybių įsisąmoninimo problema, lemianti plataus masto korupciją ir sovietinio pobūdžio metodų bei praktikų gyvybingumą įvairiuose valstybės segmentuose. Būtent sovietinės sistemos palikimas – politiškai pasyvi ir abejinga visuomenė, autoritarinio valdymo siekimas, prisidengiant formaliais demokratiniais mechanizmais, silpna ir demokratinių vertybių stokojanti politinė kultūra, trikdo valstybės demokratizaciją kaip ir proeuropietiškas ambicijas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Democratisation and Europeanisation of Post-socialist states can be regarded as long-lasting and complex processes. Mainly because of fragmented development of statehood and subordination to external states with distinct nature, post-communist states face transformations which are marked with much wider capacity than classical transitologists expected them to be. According to the emerged situation, it enforces to take more accurate glance at the very specific nature of the post-communist state. The case of Moldova democratisation and europeanization perfectly suits these analytical aspirations. First of all, very weak background of Moldovan state determines emergence of distinct opinions about particular historical-cultural artifacts, statehood and possible trajectories of further state development. Division of opinions not only fragments approach towards national identity, but also exacerbates democratisation and europeanisation processes. Secondly, Moldova lacks not only the experience with statehood, but also faces political and normative heritage of ancient regimes. Because of that there are certain problems of implementing democratic values in Moldova. It means struggle with widespread corruption, as well as with the Soviet-style methods and practices. Namely the legacy of the Soviet system, such as a politically passive and apathetic population, authoritarian political aspirations shading with the formal mechanisms of democracy, the weak and poor democratic political... [to full text]

The following comparative case study of Iraqi Kurdistan and Democratic Federation of Northern Syria-Rojava seeks to fill a gap in literature on the viability of democracy in cases of de facto statehood. There is yet to be an assessment of the potential influence of support from patron states on the degree to which democratization in de facto states is possible. This research expands upon on the argument that the decision to recognize de facto states is at least partially dependent upon the national interests of influential third party states. Syria Rojava has relied heavily on the strength of its internal sovereignty for survival where Iraqi Kurdistan received significant external support in vital phases of the state building process and was not reliant entirely on the strength of its internal unity. Where Kurdistan received essential major power support from permanent UN Security Council members early in the state-building process, as well as afterwards in constructing a divided system of governance, Syria Rojava has received little external support and faces an international community that denies its existence. It is estimated that in the following research the support of Major Powers early in the state-building process fundamentally changes the nature of internal sovereignty. More specifically the strength and weakness of conditions of internal sovereignty influence the type of governance that is practiced in the cases under analysis. Where the conditions of internal sovereignty are strong, the viability for democratization decreases; where the conditions of internal sovereignty are weak, the viability for democratization increases. In the case of Iraqi Kurdistan, the relatively weak conditions of internal sovereignty, while resulting in conditions that are more conducive to democratization, subjects the region to increased dependence on external powers for survival. Whereas in Syria Rojava, the relatively strong conditions of internal sovereignty while resulting in conditions that are less conducive to democratization, subjects the region to less dependence on external powers for survival. Theories that seek to affirm the possibility of democratization in de facto states have so far eschewed consideration of the military and diplomatic support of patron states in the early de facto state building process. There is a need for research that takes into consideration the specific events that lead to the creation of de facto states so as not to overlook the possibility that external actors play a role in shaping conditions of internal sovereignty.

State failure impacts international relations through the spill-over effects it has beyond the failed state. The international response to state failure: The case of Somalia attempts to answer the research question "Is the international response to the failed Somalia more concerned with security (i.e. the fight against terrorism and piracy) than with nation building/democratization or humanitarian aid (refugees, poverty)? This question is answered through descriptive-analytical research approach using the Neo-Realist theory within a globalised world. Concepts of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty in relation to the international response are explored where response takes the form of Intervention and humanitarian intervention that could be informed by the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) or go as far as nation building. Various annually published indices that examine and rank failed states are analysed which collectively and independently indicate that Somalia has been the number one failed state since 2008. Historically, the international response to Somalia prior to state collapse in 1991 forms the foundation to the response as well as accounting for the importance of complex internal clan politics. The background to how the international response has been, plays a key role in understanding where the international response‘s motives are positioned on scale of humanitarian versus security motives for intervention. The regional dynamics are explained through the Regional Security Complex (RSC). The security power political motives are seen through Anti-terror motives in a post 9/11 world and the various international responses to the different forms of attempts of interim governments and their opposition movements. Most notably, Al Shabaab, who formally merged with Al Qaeda in 2012, has been a focus point for the international response. The African Union (AU) mission in Somalia AMISOM is analysed from its humble beginnings to a force to be reckoned with. Due to the failure in Somalia for over 20 years, 14 per cent of its population form part of the influential Diaspora group. State building has emerged as one of the major international responses to state failure with the motive of avoiding nationwide humanitarian crisis. Yet the inaction of the past decade has lead to large spread famine in 2011. The security motive of regional and international players has overshadowed a pure humanitarian response in the past but the immensity of the crisis in 2011 has lead to a global humanitarian response. A new window of opportunity has presented itself with the appointment of the new president of the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) in September 2012. The international response to state failure has placed security first and has acted accordingly to limit the international economic and security effects of piracy, terrorism and refugee flows. Nation building has come second although, there have been attempts at achieving a uniform response to the failure in Somalia, neo realist real politik reigns. The ideal of a golden mean, where a balance is achieved between security and humanitarian motives, could only be achieved if Somalia starts addressing its internal issues that have caused and resulted from the failure, which is far from straightforward. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The thesis focuses on the historical-diachronic analysis of the development of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s educational sector, with particular reference to the context of Nord Kivu and its capital Goma. The thesis aim is to understand and investigate how the DRC's educational sector has managed to be resilient over time (especially with regard to its funding), taking into account the interaction of different actors involved. Through the application of Tobias Hagmann and Didier Péclard's negotiated statehood approach to the Congolese educational sector and to a specific school in Goma, Bemba Gombo / Saint Franҫois Xavier Insitute, it is possible to understand who are the principal actors in the educational field, and which actors are excluded from the negotiating tables of the Congolese educational sector.

The debate over Utah statehood involved several controversial issues that the United States government and the American public wanted resolved before admission would be granted. One strong advocate for such changes in Utah was the widely published newspaper, the Salt Lake Tribune, which continually published anti-statehood and anti-Mormon ideas in the final decades before Utah was finally admitted in 1896. This thesis studies and analyzes the Tribune’s editorials and news stories to better understand which issues opponents of statehood worried the most over and what they wanted to accomplish with their protest. It finds that Mormon political domination was the paper’s central concern throughout the last decade of the debate, even after developments showed change on the horizon. This thesis also examines the Tribune’s ability to reach Utah readers and a national audience through its connections with the Associated Press. By citing numerous newspapers from throughout the United States and members of Congress who were close to the statehood debate, this thesis shows that the Tribune got its message out and that it played a strong part in the statehood struggle.