Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence) / With approximately 450 tribes and 250 ethnic groups in a territory of 2 345 095 km2,1the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is one of the world's largest, populous, and multiethnolinguistic countries. Since the departure of the Belgian coloniser in 1960, this Member State of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) is facing a myriad of institutional crises, bloody conflicts and wars, mainly caused by the design of political institutions and the side-lining of some ethnic groups from political institutions. For many decades, Congolese provinces have seen numerous violent ethnic-driven conflicts, which led to institutional instability, political crisis, secessions, massacres and wars. The bloodiest of them all were the first and second Congolese wars. From 1996 to 2002, these so-called "African first world war" cost the DRC the lives of millions of people, divided it into many small "republics" and destroyed the few political and economic infrastructures that survived four decades of institutional instability and dictatorship.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / I set out to rethink the ongoing conflict in North Kivu and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). I highlight two problems with regards to the current conceptualisation of the conflict in North Kivu and South Kivu. The first is a theoretical problem and here I demonstrate that the Banyarwanda and Banyamulenge’s quest for belonging has so far been restricted to citizenship. Congolese Banyarwanda and the Banyamulenge find themselves in a peculiar situation, at various times in the postcolonial Congolese state they had recognition from above but lacked recognition from below. It is in this context that a politics of belonging developed. The second problem is with regards to the history of the conflict. I argue that most scholarly works take the 1993 conflict in North Kivu as the starting point of the conflict, but the conflict can be traced back to an earlier date. It was with this in mind that I pose the following question: Can the conflict in North and South Kivu in the DRC be considered as a politics of belonging between indigenous Congolese and Kinyarwanda speaking Congolese, and a contest for survival between Hutu and Tutsi elites? My research is qualitative and since the problem is theoretical and historical I had to think about how the conflict was presented in terms of definitions, meaning, concepts, and so on. Therefore, this research is guided by critical theory and uses a case study research design. For this purpose, I relied on both primary and secondary data. Primary data sources for this study include the following: photographs that was taken while I was deployed in the DRC as a soldier, my personal deployment diary, internet newspaper articles, research reports of the United Nations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, a focus group with expats from North Kivu and South Kivu, a questionnaire I distributed among expats from the DRC and an online discussion forum.

The thesis focuses on the historical-diachronic analysis of the development of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s educational sector, with particular reference to the context of Nord Kivu and its capital Goma. The thesis aim is to understand and investigate how the DRC's educational sector has managed to be resilient over time (especially with regard to its funding), taking into account the interaction of different actors involved. Through the application of Tobias Hagmann and Didier Péclard's negotiated statehood approach to the Congolese educational sector and to a specific school in Goma, Bemba Gombo / Saint Franҫois Xavier Insitute, it is possible to understand who are the principal actors in the educational field, and which actors are excluded from the negotiating tables of the Congolese educational sector.

This dissertation explores the need to involve churches in mission according to the Lord Jesus Christ, whose mission was indeed holistic and comprehensive. To achieve this goal, the study calls upon churches to move from a “maintenance Christianity” status, which has been almost a way of life for churches, to a holistic and comprehensive approach to mission. Practically speaking, this is to be illustrated through a case study of churches in the North Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The churches in this part of the world present many challenges that sustain such an exploration, namely, misunderstanding regarding mission, lack of well-skilled and visionary church leaders, maintenance Christianity mentality, spirit of tribalism among Christians, and poverty. The study concludes with practical recommendations on how the issues raised through the dissertation can be applied to a broader field than the churches in the North Kivu Province. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology) / M. Th. (Missiology)

This dissertation explores the need to involve churches in mission according to the Lord Jesus Christ, whose mission was indeed holistic and comprehensive. To achieve this goal, the study calls upon churches to move from a “maintenance Christianity” status, which has been almost a way of life for churches, to a holistic and comprehensive approach to mission. Practically speaking, this is to be illustrated through a case study of churches in the North Kivu Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The churches in this part of the world present many challenges that sustain such an exploration, namely, misunderstanding regarding mission, lack of well-skilled and visionary church leaders, maintenance Christianity mentality, spirit of tribalism among Christians, and poverty. The study concludes with practical recommendations on how the issues raised through the dissertation can be applied to a broader field than the churches in the North Kivu Province. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology) / M. Th. (Missiology)

The environmental aspects of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping is not as popularly known to thegeneral public as its socio-economic issues. This thesis work looks at UN peacekeeping from theenvironmental perspective by carrying out an environmental review of peacekeeping in the NorthKivu province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo using ISO 14001 as model.Chapter one describes sustainable development as a shared responsibility and the need to ensurebalance in the social, economic and environmental issues in the pursuit of peace in host nationsduring peacekeeping.Chapter two summarizes the key issues in ISO 14001 and the requirements for conducting anenvironmental review. In chapter three, the research methodology is highlighted and chapter fourgives an overview of UN peace and security actions and the interaction among other peaceinstruments and peacekeeping. That chapter also highlights peacekeeping in Africa and in the DRCwith emphasis on the North Kivu province.The results obtained from the environmental review are presented in chapter five and the analysis ofthe result based on the ‘three party model tool for ethical risk analysis’ presented in chapter six.The research findings revealed that, the United Nations peacekeeping operations have environmentalaspects which the author identified to include emissions to air, waste, energy consumption, chemicalsusage, discharge to water, training, water consumption, exploration of resources, location/land useand fire and other uncontrolled activities. The environmental impacts and ethical risk analysis of theidentified aspects were also assessed.Conclusions and recommendations are given in Chapter seven which include the need for the UnitedNations to implement an effective environmental management system to handle its significantenvironmental aspects.

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(医学) / 甲第23781号 / 医博第4827号 / 新制||医||1057(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院医学研究科医学専攻 / (主査)教授 石見 拓, 教授 近藤 尚己, 教授 万代 昌紀 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Medical Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

This dissertation is a contextual reading of 1 Samuel 25:14-35 that highlights the Abigail approach to peacemaking. The synchronic analysis of this text done in the light of the context of North Kivu conflict resolution focuses on the literary analysis of the text. The interaction between the two contexts of peacemaking, in the Abigail narrative and the North Kivu context, allows me to recommend "participative negotiations" as a suitable diplomatic means to solve North Kivu conflicts for a lasting peace. In fact, participative negotiations inspired by the Abigail strategy contrast with the diplomacy of avoidance and competitive negotiations, by which North Kivu cannot reach lasting peace. However, the strategists of peacemaking, involving North Kivu rank-and-file in the peacemaking process, must first build mutual confidence between the parties in conflict during discussions, then analyse their respective interests, and bring them to suggest suitable strategies using objective criteria which can lead the parties to true consensus. / Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies / M. Th. (Old Testament)

This dissertation is a contextual reading of 1 Samuel 25:14-35 that highlights the Abigail approach to peacemaking. The synchronic analysis of this text done in the light of the context of North Kivu conflict resolution focuses on the literary analysis of the text. The interaction between the two contexts of peacemaking, in the Abigail narrative and the North Kivu context, allows me to recommend "participative negotiations" as a suitable diplomatic means to solve North Kivu conflicts for a lasting peace. In fact, participative negotiations inspired by the Abigail strategy contrast with the diplomacy of avoidance and competitive negotiations, by which North Kivu cannot reach lasting peace. However, the strategists of peacemaking, involving North Kivu rank-and-file in the peacemaking process, must first build mutual confidence between the parties in conflict during discussions, then analyse their respective interests, and bring them to suggest suitable strategies using objective criteria which can lead the parties to true consensus. / Biblical and Ancient Studies / M. Th. (Old Testament)

Vingt ans après le génocide rwandais, le Nord-Kivu reste fortement marqué par les métastases de cette tragédie. Depuis 1994, cette province en subit les répercussions dans une région où les rivalités communautaires étaient déjà très tendues. En effet, cette région est devenue un condensé de géopolitique régionale où tous les acteurs de la crise sont des héritiers du génocide rwandais. Son étude géopolitique, avec une recherche particulière portée sur le Petit-Nord qui s'étend principalement de 1990 à 2007, permet d‟analyser une période au cours de laquelle les conflits locaux se sont à la fois aggravés et nationalisés jusqu'à se transcender au niveau régional avec l'implication des acteurs étrangers nationaux. L‟instabilité perpétuelle du Nord-Kivu relève de causes multifactorielles où la richesse de son sous-sol combiné par la demande mondiale de matières premières minérales explique la relation de causalité entre l'exploitation illicite des ressources minières et la perpétuation de la guerre, à savoir que la guerre est la continuation de l'économie par d'autres moyens. Elle est également marquée par l'inexistence voire l‟inconsistance de l'État congolais, la densité démographique extrêmement forte de cette région, la porosité des frontières coloniales, l'exacerbation des tensions ethniques et foncières et la profusion de milices armées face à des Nations Unies impuissantes. Mais la prétention régionale du Rwanda reste le coeur de l'instabilité du Nord-Kivu. Kigali a su pleinement profiter et exploiter la culpabilité de la communauté internationale de n'avoir pas réagi au moment du génocide. Ce sentiment d'impunité grâce au « crédit du génocide » est notamment rendu possible par la bienveillance de la communauté internationale et le soutien des « amis du nouveau Rwanda » à commencer par les États-Unis. Le Rwanda a toujours prétexté d'une menace des ex-FAR et des Interahamwe, pour justifier sa présence directe ou indirecte sur le terrain. Pourtant, les FDLR paraissent loin aujourd'hui de représenter une menace réelle pour le Rwanda mais demeure toujours un prétexte facile pour justifier l'ingérence de ses troupes au Nord-Kivu. La conséquence directe de la déstabilisation permanente de la province, est finalement la mise en place d'une forme de « souveraineté partagée » qui a donné la possibilité au Rwanda, directement jusqu'en 2002 puis indirectement jusqu'à aujourd'hui, de profiter à pleines dents « du gâteau » que représente ce territoire. / Twenty years after the Rwanda genocide, the fallout from this tragedy is still leaving a profound mark on North Kivu. Since 1994, this province has continued to suffer from the repercussions in a region where community rivalry was already close to flashpoint. In fact, the region has become a condensed representation of regional geopolitics where all the players in the crisis are the heirs of the Rwanda genocide. A geopolitical study of the region, with in-depth research focussing on the northern province running mainly from 1990 to 2007, offers an analysis of the period during which local conflict worsened and took on a national bias before expanding onto a regional level with the involvement of foreign national players. The causes of perpetual instability in North Kivu are multifaceted – the riches in its subsoil combined with world demand for mineral raw materials explains the causal relationship between the unlawful exploitation of mining resources and continued warfare, namely that war is a continuation of the economy by other means. It has also been marked by the non-existence or even inconsistency of the Congo State, the extremely high density of population in this region, porous colonial frontiers, the exacerbation of ethnic tension and the pressure of land scarcity and the profusion of armed militia opposing a powerless United Nations. But the regional aims of Rwanda remain central to the instability in North Kivu. Kigali has been able to fully take advantage of and exploit the guilt of the international community for not reacting at the time of the genocide. This feeling of impunity due to “credit for the genocide” is notably made possible by the goodwill of the international community and support from the “friends of the New Rwanda”, starting with the United States. Rwanda has always claimed a threat from ex-FAR troops and Interahamwe militia to justify its direct or indirect presence in the field. Nonetheless, the FDLR (Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda) nowadays seem far from representing an actual threat to Rwanda but still remain an easy pretext to justify the interference of their troops in North Kivu. The direct consequence of permanent destabilisation of the province is ultimately the establishment of a form of “shared sovereignty” that has given Rwanda the possibility – directly up to 2002 and then indirectly up to the present time – to take full advantage of the “slice of the pie” represented by this territory.