This thesis deals with the right-wing extremism in Federal Republic of Germany, particulary in the Free State of Saxony. The opening part presents the history of the right-wing extremism in the territory of former German Democratic Republic. The following part summarizes briefly the developement of rigth-wing extremism after the german unification. Main attention is focused on the currant course of events. One part is devoted to the strongest and most successfull extreme right-wing political party Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD), especially to its election results. The thesis further monitors the development of the NPDs political strategy and the enforcing of this strategy in to practice. A special attention is paid to the concept of National befreite Zone (nationally liberated zone). Next parts of the text describe the rapidly growing right-wing extremist subculture. The penetration of right- wing extremism into the areas of sport, music and fashion is proved on several concrete examples. There is a separate chapter devoted to the criminal activities commited by right-wing extremists. It also deals with the legislation which is aimed against the expressions of the right-wing extremism.

The thesis is focused on the DIY principle that can be a catalyst for collectives and individuals aiming to emancipate (consciously or unconsciously) from individualization and commodification that is symptomatic for today's society. This principle is adopted by various subcultures, but I am focused particularly on the hardcore-punk subculture (or precisely said - counterculture), which ideology is based on the idea of non-consumer society emancipated from values, norms and rules, that are being introduced to us by the mainstream society and its power structures. The analytical part of the thesis is focused on particular individuals and collectives, their activities, motivation, as well as the internal functioning of collectives. A combination of methods of qualitative research, especially participant observation and semi- structured interviews, were used for data collection. Data was analyzed using open coding. The collectives show better ability to resist commodification based on long-term practices commonly used in hc-punk to resist to the process of individualization. Their ability to create communities and collective activities is limited. Key words individualization, commodification, hardcore-punk subculture, diy principle, colectives, anarchism

The diploma thesis is focused on the ideology of anarcha-feminism. One of the goals is to study how actually works the linkage between anarchism and feminism and which elements are important and which are missing and how the ideology defers in time. The thesis has two parts - the first one is focused on historical phase of anarcha- feminism, especially on Emma Goldman, American anarchist philosopher, who is often labelled as the founder of this ideology; second part is concerned on Feministická skupina 8. března/Anarchofeministická skupina, contemporary anarcha-feminist collective in the Czech Republic. Feministická skupina 8. března/Anarchofeministická skupina (8 March Feminist Group/Anarchofeminist group) is the only collective in Czech history which adopted anarcha-feminist ideology. The thesis uses critical discourse analysis and also content analysis. In the first chapter we will analyze are Emma Goldman's essays that are concerned on feminist topics. In the second chapter we will critically analyze the publications of Anarchofeministická skupina - magazine Přímá cesta, Siréna, than the anarchist magazine A-kontra, and the websites of two current liberal feminist organizations in the Czech republic - Gender Studies, o.p.s. and Česká ženká lobby. The conclusion compares results of those...

Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka hur supportrar upplever mötet med polisen under fotbollsmatcher i Allsvenskan. Mötet med medborgare är en viktig del av polisens förtroendeskapande arbete och upplevelsen medborgare får kan ha konsekvenser för bilden av polismyndighetens legitimitet. Studien har en teoretisk ram bestående av processuell rättvisa och subkulturteori. Åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer har utförts för att fånga supportrarnas upplevelser av mötet med polisen. En tematisk analys av intervjuerna utfördes efter att de transkriberats. Samtliga intervjupersoner beskriver en eller flera situationer då bemötandet av polisen uppfattas som negativt. Vissa anser att polisens närvaro vid matcherna ligger på en lagom nivå medan andra anser att polisen borde lägga resurserna på annat som anses vara viktigare. Supportrarna menar att för många poliser kan trigga supportrar och skapa en aggressiv stämning. Vissa supportrar har uppfattat ett onödigt våldsanvändande från polisens sida. En bättre dialog mellan supportrar och polisen tros kunna leda till bättre förståelse parterna emellan och är därmed också en nyckel till att minska den existerande konflikten mellan dem. / The purpose of this study has been to investigate how supporters experience the encounter with the police during football matches in the Allsvenskan. The meeting with citizens is an important part of the police's trust-building work, and the experience citizens get can have consequences for the image of the police legitimacy. The study has a theoretical framework consisting of procedural justice and subculture theory. Eight semi-structured interviews have been conducted to capture the supporters' experiences of the encounter with the police. A thematic analysis of the interviews was performed after they were transcribed. All interviewees describe one or more situations where the treatment of the police is perceived as negative. Some believe that the police presence at the matches is at an adequate level, while others believe that the police should spend their resources on other things that are considered more important. The supporters believe that too many police officers can trigger supporters and create an aggressive atmosphere. Some supporters have perceived an unnecessary use of force by the police. A better dialogue between supporters and the police is believed to lead to better understanding between the parties and is therefore also a key to reducing the existing conflict between them.

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The thesis examines the subcultural activities and online fan community of Drainers (fans of the music collective Drain Gang) through TikTok. A netnographic analysis of fans’ engagement and community cultivation through prosumption is done through participation observation.  Samples taken using a non-probability purposive sampling method are analyzed, categorized, and coded. By using theories of prosumption, uses and gratifications and a contemporary online take on subcultural theory from Bennet (2004) as well as Genova et al. (2022), the samples provide an insight into Drainers and their subculture.  Results from the study suggest that community within TikTok is easy to find, yet difficult to regulate. It can thus be both a space for creative participation and opportunity for exploring identity as much as it can be for receiving negative comments and further stigmatization. Regardless of the app’s implications and limitations, it does successfully provide a platform for fans to connect, bond, share ideas and create authentic identity and a subcultural status.  While plenty of previous research concerning fans and their communities exist, this study is through researcher’s immersion opening up a discussion about Drain Gang’s subculture and fans, which is essentially an untouched area of research. Although limitations are present such as lack of possibility to pick samples on TikTok based on publication date, as well as bias while collecting samples, it provides an insight into the online community and subculture which can be used to further explore the topic.

The essential cornerstone of society and the state is political support. Studying political support is therefore very important in political sciences. The purpose of this study was to research political support and its interrelation with the economic indicators of unemployment and relative income inequality. The study built on previous research. Using social data from the ESS, the results from 15 European countries were in line with previous findings in the field. Decreased unemployment is at all times found interrelated and increases political support. Income inequality is likewise found interrelated to a great extent with political support. When one of the two economic conditions notably decreases while the other increases, unemployment weighs heavier on citizens’ political support. Unemployment may have more direct effects on individuals' lives, life satisfaction and personal well-being. Income inequality has solid results of interrelation to political support when looking at the longest 12 year period. This may be due to income inequality not being as directly discernible for citizens as unemployment. Income inequality may need more time to result in negative effects and eroded political support.

This Thesis explores artistic activism or artivism in the context of youth in post- revolution Tunisia. During and after the Arab Uprisings, the MENA region has experienced a tendency, wherein resistance is undertaken by artivists through in situ art interventions, music, and performances that create ‘new cultural spaces’, in which cultural hybridism through the mix of urban youth subculture, communication and traditional culture, creates new contexts of authenticity. It further investigates how art and activism is used in Tunis as a tool to mirror, provoke or communicate messages that directly or indirectly deal with post-revolution themes, and which mechanisms exist in limitations of artistic freedom of expression.It utilizes concepts of cultural resistance through theorists Stephen Duncombe and discusses the concept artivism as a hybrid term, through Aldo Milohnic. It then delineates subculture, authenticity and hybridization through various theorists and examines Artistic Freedom of Expression through the standpoint of international conventions and reports. The Thesis also analyzes artistic activism, commodification and globalization through a re-contextualization of Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin.Guiding this analysis are interrelated points of redefining Arab youth subcultures, through interviews conducted with five young Tunisian artists who combine artistic expression with political commentary and activism. I argue that a new dynamic discourse is shaped in the MENA region through the re-mixing of a cultural narrative which becomes re-contextualized locally, and therefore becomes authentic in a ‘glocal’ context. The Thesis offers analytical contribution to the field of cultural production in a Tunisian political context and adds to the research field of artistic activism.

<p>This thesis examines how American icons, such as Jim Morrison, become the focus of "secular" religious followings. Morrison died in Paris, France, in 1971. His grave site, in Paris, attracts thousands of visitors each year. As the lead singer of 1960s era band, The Doors, Morrison achieved extraordinary fame. Tiring of his rock star status, Morrison moved to Paris in 1971, where he died under mysterious circumstances at age 27.</p> <p>After his death, Morrison remained a focus of popular biographies and films; many attributed mythic qualities to the dead singer. The continued interest in the celebrity of Morrison, following his death, generated much popularity among a new generation of fans.</p> <p>The motivation for visiting the Morrison grave, in Paris, is not only the music of Morrison or the Doors. Rather, fans gather in Paris each year to remember Morrison as cultural hero and the values he represents: freedom and rebellion against authority.</p> <p>An ethnography in Paris completed during the anniversary of his death, July 3, supplements an analysis of the subculture surrounding Morrison. A wider conclusion concerning the purpose of dead celebrity followings, in contemporary society, is a final focus.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

Gevangenisbendes in Suid-Afrika het 'n lang geskiedenis. die eerste was gestig onder Swart gevangenes in die Transvaal onmiddellik na die Anglo-Boere oorlog. Die Ninevite bende was ingestel deur Nongoloza Mathebula en het in die Witwatersrand geopereer. "Nongoloza" se bende het bestaan uit agt lede waarvan die 28 bende later ontwikkel het. Die 28 bende is ten gunste van wyfies-verhouding (homoseksuele) onder sy bende lede. "Ngelejani" se bende, waaruit die 26 bende ontwikkel het, was nie ten gunste van die wyfies-verhouding nie. Die ander bende wat in die gevangenis ontstaan het, is die Big 5 bende en die Airforce bende. / Prison gangs in South Africa have a long history. the first were established among Black prisoners in the Transvaal soon after the Anglo-Boer war. The Ninevite gang was introduced by Nongoloza Mathebula and operated in the Witwatersrand. "Nongoloza's" gang consisted of eight members, from which the 28 gang later developed. The 28 gang approved the boy-wives relationship (homo-sexual) among its gang members. "Ngelejani's" gang from which the 26 gang developed, disapproved the boy-wives relationship. Other gangs established in prison, are the Big 5 gang and the Airforce gang. / Sociology / M.A. (Penology)