The 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa is the supreme law of the Republic and in enjoying this status it is prescribing the composition of the three different arms of government as well as each branch’s status within the new constitutional dispensation. Prior to this era of constitutional supremacy South Africa was subject to the principle of parliamentary sovereignty, an era where the courts could only challenge legislation on procedural grounds, but had no general power to declare legislation unconstitutional. The Constitution further provides for a separation of powers between these arms of government, and it has vested the judicial authority in the courts and conferred strong judicial review powers upon the Constitutional Court. The head of executive has recently argued that “the powers conferred on the courts cannot be regarded as superior to the powers resulting from a mandate given by the people in a popular vote”. The preceding quote is one of many statements and claims that forms part of a national debate on the nature and scope of the Constitutional Court’s powers in South Africa. The Constitutional Court has in recent years handed down judgments that were not favourable to the legislative6 and executive arms of the South African government. / Magister Legum - LLM

In the age of the Internet, extreme groups have seen resurgence in the way they can communicate and recruit through the new medium whether they are white supremacists or hacktivists. Examining the history and modern behaviors of both white supremacy groups and Anonymous, this paper aims to research and answer how the different groups use the Internet to influence identities and if the methods to do so differ from the old ones and through the use of several concepts, mainly the Echo Chamber and the Filter Bubble, narrow down the effects that leads to a person joining an extreme group.

1990 m. kovo 11 d. buvo atkurta nepriklausoma Lietuvos valstybė. Šis įvykis atvėrė naują Lietuvos konstitucinės raidos etapą. 1992 m.spalio 25 d. įvykusiame referendume Lietuvos Respublikos piliečiai pritarė LR Konstitucijai1, kuri įtvirtina Lietuvos nepriklausomybę ir demokratiją bei išreiškia tautos suverenitetą. Atkūrus nepriklausomybę, Lietuva tapo pripažinta dalyve tarptautiniuose santykiuose. Bendradarbiavimas tarp Lietuvos ir Europos Bendrijos prasidėjo 1991 m. 1992 m. gegužės 11 d. Lietuva ir Europos Bendrija pasirašė prekybos ir komercinio bei ekonominio bendradarbiavimo sutartį2, o vėliau priėmė deklaraciją dėl politinio dialogo tarp Bendrijos ir Lietuvos Respublikos. 1993 m. birželio 21-22 d. vykusiame Europos Vadovų Tarybos susitikime Kopenhagoje Bendrija pirmą kartą suformulavo savo poziciją dėl Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybių narystės Europos Sąjungoje ir nustatė kriterijus jų dalyvavimui šioje Bendrijoje. 1994 m. liepos 18 d. buvo pasirašyta ES ir Lietuvos laisvosios prekybos sutartis.3 Tų pačių metų pabaigoje prasidėjo derybos dėl Europos sutarties, kurios baigėsi 1995 m. birželio 12 d. Europos Sutarties pasirašymu.4 1995 m. gruodžio 8 d. Lietuvos Respublikos Vyriausybė įteikė oficialų prašymą priimti Lietuvos Respubliką į Europos Sąjungą (toliau vadinama ES). Prasidėjo itin sudėtingas derybų etapas, kurio metu Lietuvos teisė buvo derinama su Bendrijos teise. Stojimo derybos buvo oficialiai baigtos 2002 m. gruodžio 12-13 d. Kopenhagoje vykusiame Europos... [to full text] / In the process of EU integration Lithuania faced many complicated legal issues. Constitutional amendments were no exception. The Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania did not contain any provision for the delegation of state competences. The constitutional jurisprudence of the member states, the case-law of the Court of Justice and academic circles provide different interpretations for the primacy of EU law, the supremacy of the national constitutions, and the concept of sovereignty. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania has not yet expressed any position concerning the interrelationship of EU law and the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania.

The subject of this dissertation is Richard Hooker's defence of the royal headship of the church in the final book of his treatise Of the Lawes of Ecclesiasticall Politie. His treatment of this political question is remarkable for its depth of theological analysis. Hooker approaches the issue of the royal headship from three main theological angles: first, from the standpoint of the crucial distinction of Reformation soteriology between the so-called 'Two Realms' or 'Two Kingdoms'; secondly, according to the categories and distinctions of basic systematic doctrine, notably Chalcedonian Christology and Trinitarian dogma; and thirdly, he applies the magisterial reformers' test of ecclesiological orthodoxy. Modern students of Hooker's political thought have been very reluctant to bridge the gulf between the theological and political realms of his discourse. As a result, the theological matrix of Hooker's doctrine of the Royal Supremacy has been quite neglected. The erection of such a bridge is indispensable to our understanding of the alien mentalite which underlies this important Elizabethan controversy. We shall attempt to demonstrate that Hooker's employment of theological argument in defence of the Royal Supremacy was central to his ultimate apologetic purpose. He wrote the Lawes with a view to 'resolving the consciences' of the Disciplinarian-Puritan critics of the Elizabethan Settlement. He sought to convince these opponents by the most compelling mode of argument they knew - theological argument - that the royal headship was wholly consistent with the cardinal principles of the ecclesiology and political theory of the magisterial Reformation. In the first chapter there is a consideration of the methodological difficulties of modern Hooker scholarship. This is followed by an examination of Hooker's apologetic intention and a division of the chief theological elements of the controversy over the Royal Supremacy. Chapter two explores the soteriological foundations of Hooker's doctrine of the Two Realms and Two Regiments as well as his relation to the authority of the magisterial reformation. Chapter three examines Hooker's ecclesiology as the pivotal link between his soteriological 'first principles' and his political theory. Finally, in chapter four, the considerations of the previous chapters will be applied directly to the interpretation of Hooker's theology of the royal headship as presented by him in Book VIII of the Lawes.

Akademisk avhandling--Stockholm. Extra t.p., with thesis statement, inserted. / Bibliography: p. 164-172.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1961. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 381-389).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 319-327). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. / AD-A261 763. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2004. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 319-327). Also available on the Internet.

The Internet is a new tool for mobilization, communication, and articulation of social movement organizational framings of events and ideologies. The White Supremacist/Separatist Movement has had, and remains, a significant presence on the Internet. There are several hundred sites operating, representing almost every faction of the movement. Hyperlinks between sites allow the ideological resources (content of sites, online libraries, radio shows, etc.) offered by one group to be available to many groups, regardless of geography. Importantly, links are often asymmetrical and more prestigious sites have many "in" links. This movement has considerable diversity of beliefs, goals, tactics, and resources. Movements vary in the richness of symbolic resources available on their web sites. I operationalize "resource richness" as the amount and coverage of content on a website. Groups also exhibit a range of tactical orientations ranging from peaceful (education) to extremely violent (race war). Using network analysis, I investigate the structure of ties in the White Supremacist/Separatist Movement industry on the Internet. Through this method, analyses reveals patterns of sharing of ideological resources. I examine how ideological and tactical affinities structure the scope, density, and patterns of cybernetworks in the White Supremacist/Separatist Movement industry.