This project studies the theological legacy of white evangelical purity culture (WEPC) and proposes a constructive Baptist practical theology of baptism in response. It foregrounds the activism and testimonies of Christian women to foment and intervene in white supremacist constructions of womanhood in the Female Moral Reform movement; to perpetuate and prevent racial violence in the lynching era through the deployment of a reimagined vision of sacred white womanhood; and to expand conceptions of the wounding legacies, persisting challenges, and alternative visions proposed by those harmed by WEPC. In the “afterlife” of white evangelical purity culture, baptism, conceived as a practice of solidarity, is a critical intervention to the persistent and problematic deformations of identity, salvation, and ecclesial formation. The project begins with analysis of the theopolitical history of WEPC and its founding frameworks and promises. It then turns to the Female Moral Reform movement, and particularly the activism and theological arguments of Sarah Grimké and a dissenting interlocutor in 1838, to illustrate how questions of womanhood, race, and women’s rights were forged in the context of institutional slavery. Next, this project engages the activism of Rebecca Felton, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, and the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching, attends to the character de/formations deployed in women’s activism and rhetoric supportive of and against lynching, and argues that the uninterrogated sacred status of white womanhood prevents a full acknowledgement and dismantling of the regnant theological frameworks of WEPC. It then frames the online writing as testimonies to the wounding experiences in WEPC, offering an emergent tripartite framework of shame, misplaced blame, and silence to capture the impact of WEPC. Finally, drawing from the works of James Wm. McClendon, Jr., Ada María Isasi-Díaz and M. Shawn Copeland, it proposes a Baptist theology of baptism wherein baptism is revelatory rite that initiates solidarity in the service of a world that engenders the possibility of mutual liberation and human flourishing. This project contributes to the growing literature on WEPC by exposing the raced theological scaffolding that necessitate a transformation of core Christian practices. / 2022-12-09T00:00:00Z

La justice constitutionnelle ivoirienne, dans sa forme actuelle, est le fruit du mouvement de démocratisation enclenché sur le continent à partir des années 1990.Mais si ailleurs l'exercice du contrôle de constitutionnalité s'est tout de suite imposé comme un instrument incontournable dans l'effectivité de la Constitution et l'avènement d'un Etat de droit, en Côte d'Ivoire, la garantie de la suprématie de la Constitution a évolué en permanence à un rythme oscillatoire. Le contrôle de constitutionnalité s’exprime d’abord à travers une stratégie des petits pas. Le choix par le juge constitutionnel d’une interprétation restreinte de ses attributions produit une jurisprudence peu audacieuse et orientée vers la légitimation du pouvoir exécutif et de sa gouvernance. Par la suite, à l’avènement de la deuxième République à partir de l'an 2000, la juridiction constitutionnelle se montre relativement plus active. Mais malgré l’extension du droit de saisine aux citoyens par le biais de la question préjudicielle la justice constitutionnelle reste peu sensible à la protection des Droits et libertés fondamentales. Son dynamisme se manifeste surtout lorsque la Constitution se trouve confrontée aux Accords politiques, mobilisés pour la résolution de la crise militaro- politique. L’office du juge constitutionnel se révèle alors comme la défense de l’ordre constitutionnel en péril ou du régime l’incarnant. Ici transparaît encore la forte irradiation du pouvoir exécutif dans un système politique déséquilibré faisant converger, comme des rivières au fleuve, l’ensemble des institutions dans le sens de la majesté du Pontife constitutionnel. De surcroît, la prépondérance du contentieux électoral et les crises qu’il suscite, annihile, quasi-systématiquement, les progrès jurisprudentiels résiduels qui peuvent accorder de la crédibilité à la justice constitutionnelle. Dans ce contexte, la garantie de la suprématie de la Constitution demeure encore à un stade embryonnaire, marqué du sceau de la précarité que lui impose des pratiques constitutionnelles perverties et l’instabilité politique chronique. / Ivorian constitutional justice, in its current form, is the fruit of the democratization movement launched on the continent from the 1990s. But if elsewhere the exercise of constitutional review immediately became an essential instrument in the effectiveness of the Constitution and the advent of the rule of law, in Côte d'Ivoire, the guarantee of the the Constitution’s supremacy has evolved continuously at an oscillatory rhythm. The constitutionality check is first expressed through a strategy of small steps. The constitutional judge's choice of a narrow interpretation of his attributions produces a daring case law geared towards legitimizing the executive power and its governance. Subsequently, with the advent of the second Republic from the year 2000, the constitutional jurisdiction is relatively more active. But despite the extension of the right of referral to citizens through the preliminary question, constitutional justice remains insensitive to the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. Its dynamism manifests itself especially when the Constitution is confronted to the Political Agreements, mobilized for the resolution of the military political crisis. The office of the constitutional judge is then revealed as the defense of the constitutional order in danger or the regime embodying it. Here again there is the strong irradiation of the executive power in an unbalanced political system converging, like rivers in the river, all the institutions in the sense of the majesty of the constitutional Pontiff. Moreover, the preponderance of electoral disputes and the crises it provokes, annihilates, almost systematically, the progress of the case law that can give credibility to constitutional justice. In this context, the guarantee of the supremacy of the Constitution remains at an embryonic stage, marked by the seal of precariousness imposed by perverted constitutional practices and chronic political instability.

Submitted by Fabricia Fialho Reginato (fabriciar) on 2015-07-16T22:51:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MarianneBona.pdf: 1108459 bytes, checksum: f2601d415a83aeb49794401c783fc9cd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-16T22:51:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MarianneBona.pdf: 1108459 bytes, checksum: f2601d415a83aeb49794401c783fc9cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-07 / Nenhuma / A dissertação trata da importância de conhecimentos históricos e transdisciplinares para a sedimentação da compreensão e interpretação crítica do Direito. A axiologia e a supremacia da Constituição brasileira é o ponto fundamental para o desenvolvimento do conhecimento e da hermenêutica jurídica como um sistema aberto que irradia em todas as esferas do Direito, especialmente enfrentando o dogma da concretude do ordenamento jurídico afirmado pelos ideais do Positivismo Jurídico. O princípio da legalidade passa a ser interpretado de acordo com a eficácia direta e imediata dos direitos fundamentais, alterando o modo de gestão dos administradores públicos em respeito ao direito fundamental à boa administração pública, obrigando-os a tomar decisões mais adequadas à Constituição diante da análise de circunstâncias não apenas da lei e do caso concreto, mas também da temporalidade e da historicidade, revisitando pré-compreensões de forma a fundir horizontes do sentido de ser no mundo. Diante da constitucionalização do Direito Administrativo ocorreram mudanças substanciais nos aportes da disciplina. O método fenomenológico-hermenêutico perpassa toda a pesquisa e aponta para o modo de abordagem do tema, ficando os métodos descritivo, histórico, comparativo e crítico-científico voltados para o trato específico de assuntos enfrentados nos capítulos que se seguem. O estudo se caracteriza como pesquisa bibliográfica a partir de leituras, fichamentos, resumos e confrontos de ideias de autores nacionais e estrangeiros com interpretações e análises sobre o assunto e, ao final, soluções e propostas para a dialética das questões postas. / The dissertation analyzes the importance of historical and transdisciplinary knowledge to the sedimentation of understanding and critical interpretation of law. The axiology and supremacy of Brazilian Constitution is the fundamental point to the development of knowledge and legal hermeneutics as an open system which radiates in all spheres of law, especially facing the dogma of the concreteness of law stated by the ideals of Legal Positivism. The principle of legality shall be construed in accordance with the direct and immediate effect of fundamental rights by changing the mode of governance managers in respect of the fundamental right to good administration, forcing them to make better decisions facing the Constitution analysis of circumstances and not just the law of the case, but also of temporality and historicity, revisiting pre-understandings in order to merge the sense of being in the world horizons. Facing the constitutionalization of Administrative Law occurred substantial changes in the basis of discipline. The phenomenological-hermeneutic method runs through all the research and points out the way to approach the subject, leaving the historical, comparative and critical-scientific descriptive methods, focused on the specific tract of issues faced in the chapters that follow. The study is characterized by bibliographic research from readings, record keeping, abstracts and clashes of ideas of national and foreign authors with interpretations and analysis about the subject and, at the end, solutions and proposals for the dialectic of the questions asked.

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo apresentar ferramentas que fomentem a implementação de uma espécie de controle de constitucionalidade dialógico no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, de forma a mitigar a supremacia judicial ostentada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para isso, foi organizado em três capítulos. Os dois primeiros dirigem-se a realizar uma abordagem comparada, por meio de um breve apanhado histórico e análise jurisprudencial, entre os sistemas constitucionais dos Estados Unidos, da Colômbia, da Costa Rica e do Brasil e entre os seus respetivos Tribunais imbuídos da função da realização do controle de constitucionalidade. Com isto, busca-se demonstrar o assentamento da supremacia judicial em uma visão mais ampla, bem como em uma realidade latino-americana. O terceiro capítulo, por sua vez, tem o escopo de explorar as diversas vertentes da teoria dos diálogos constitucionais, elaborar um conceito de diálogo substancial e, por fim, elaborar proposições de instrumentos dialógicos ainda não existentes no ordenamento jurídico pátrio, bem como sugerir a reformulação de alguns já existentes. O intuito primordial da parte final da dissertação é a busca da promoção de uma ressignificação do controle de constitucionalidade, de forma a democratiza-lo, mitigando a supremacia judicial, incluindo no debate sobre o significado da Constituição, além do Poder Judiciário, os Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, e a sociedade como um todo. / This master’s dissertation aims do present tools that provide the implementation of a kind of dialogic judicial review in the Brazilian legal framework, so as to mitigate the judicial supremacy displayed by the Supremo Tribunal Federal. In order to do that, it was organized in three chapters. The first two chapters carry out a comparative approach, through a short historical description e and jurisprudential analyses, between the American, the Colombian, the Costa Rican and the Brazilian constitutional systems and its respective Courts that perform judicial review. In that manner, it is the objective to demonstrate the settlement of judicial supremacy in a broad vision, and also in a Latin American reality. The third chapter, by its turn, aims to explore the different aspects of the constitutional dialogue theory, elaborate a concept of substantial dialogue and, in conclusion, elaborate propositions of dialogical instruments not yet existent in the native legal order, and also suggest a reformulation of others that already exist. The paramount intention of dissertation’s final part is the promotion of a resignification of judicial review, so as to democratize it, mitigating judicial supremacy, incorporating in the debate about the significance of the Constitution, other than the Judicial power, the Executive and the Legislative powers, and the society as a hole.

This thesis focuses on a long-misunderstood person - Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury (1582-1648), a diplomat, philosopher, and historian. He has been labelled 'the father of English deism', a title invented by John Leland (1691-1766) more than a hundred years after his death. Although this label has recently been challenged, modern scholarship continues to pay disproportionate attention to Herbert's religious ideas, while research on political and historical aspects of his thought remains quite underdeveloped. This thesis places Herbert in the context of contemporary issues of religion and politics, including the controversy over the royal supremacy, the relationship between King and Parliament, and debates over the lawfulness of resistance to tyrants in the Early English Civil War. It argues that his viewpoints on these issues reflected his deep concern for the freedom and authority of individual conscience. Herbert held that laws enacted in the name of the royal supremacy should not force individuals to accept anything contrary to the judgement of their consciences. He also suggested that the safety and liberty of the people took priority over the prerogatives of the King, and that Parliament, as the highest court in the kingdom, had the authority to protect the people's consciences from the oppression of the King's unlawful commands. Finally, Herbert held that resistance to tyrants was indeed lawful and that conscience granted that a tyrant's misdeeds could lawfully be bridled. The thesis is based on a close analysis of Herbert's religious treatises, his manuscript collections deposited in the National Library of Wales, and his historical works, including 'On the King's Supremacy in the Church' and The Life and Raigne of King Henry the Eighth. His manuscript collections and historical treatises in particular have never been properly examined. The main contributions of the thesis are to restore Herbert's thought to its seventeenth-century context, broaden the research on Herbert to include his political thought, and reveal that the common purpose of his works of philosophy, religion, and history was to save the people from unjust religious coercion. This approach provides a more comprehensive understanding and a more complete picture of Herbert's thought, and challenges several commonly held views of Herbert: that Herbert's thought was a precursor to eighteenth-century deism, that his theory of common notions represented the whole picture of his thought, and that his historical works were of little value and aimed only at gaining royal recognition.

This thesis explores and seeks to unsettle the tenacity of white settler privilege in child and youth care (CYC). I first acknowledge the significant leadership of Indigenous and nonwhite activist-scholars to address the ongoing overrepresentation of Indigenous families across colonial systems in which CYC practitioners work. This qualitative study interrogates how white settler CYC practitioners approach issues of colonial and systemic racialized violence targeting Indigenous children, youth, families, and communities. Experienced, politicized frontline practitioners working in the CYC field were invited to examine how they understand, name, reproduce, contest, and struggle with white settler privilege in their practice. My study findings are organized along four themes that attend to systemic issues and the difficulty of challenging dominant white norms and conventions in the CYC field: (1) working in colonial violence and racism; (2) white settler fragility; (3) power and privilege; and (4) troubling allyship in the CYC field. The findings explore the complex individual and collective ethical responsibilities of white settler CYC practitioners and formulate responsive, embodied ethics rooted in solidarity and an anticolonial, antiracist, intersectional praxis. / Graduate / 2020-09-04

Early American film scholars often critique the relative ineffectiveness of a single literary work, protest movement or silent film to achieve racial vindication following the release of The Birth of a Nation in 1915. Thomas Cripps, for example, examines a relatively ineffective isolated attempt to counter the notions of White supremacy promoted in the film. This study makes the case for applying a non-traditional tri-level analysis when measuring the effectiveness of such attempts. The paper focuses on efforts to redeem the image and the potential of African Americans after 1915 in the Black public sphere in three concurrent vehicles: the written word, the activism of individuals and progressive organizations and the production of silent films. The study defines and distinguishes between racism, anti-racism and racial vindication. Racial vindication is the method used by the men and women that this study focuses on. The paper begins by documenting how notions of White supremacy and Black inferiority were at the root of America's socio-cultural atmosphere during the nineteenth and early twentieth century. This set the stage for D. W. Griffith's movie. The study then looks at how contemporary scholars in the 1910s and 1920s -- writers, visual artists, civic and community leaders and film makers -- attempted to counter Griffith's propaganda through various means. I argue that there is considerable merit in analyzing the combined efforts of these outspoken men and women to attempt to rescue the humanity of African Americans from Griffith's clutches in three broad arenas. My argument does agree with many film scholars that no one single act of racial vindication sufficiently challenged the effectiveness of The Birth of a Nation. We use as a case study the silent film The Birth of a Race (1918). When this film is considered in isolation, it does have a minimal affect on stemming the tide of racism in America. This is precisely the point of this thesis. No prominent Griffith scholar has published a comprehensive study that considers how literature, sociopolitical activism and silent film all worked in concert to combat the impact The Birth of a Nation had on America. This paper does so. It contributes to the historiography of early American silent film and the racial vindication movement by calling for a triangular analysis and validation of the cumulative impact varied forms of resistance had on representations of White supremacy in The Birth of a Nation. Chapter III and the study's conclusion comment on the benefits that such an analysis contributes to future studies of racial vindication in response to artistic expressions deemed to be racist.

My thesis argues that a shift has taken place in white supremacist rhetoric post September 11, 2001. I focus on the pre-9/11 rhetoric of Jared Taylor, the post 9/11 rhetoric of Patrick Buchanan, and identify the attacks of September 11th as a catalytic event in the history of white supremacist rhetoric. Through careful rhetorical analysis, I identify the 9/11 shift as a shift in placement vis-à-vis the political mainstream.

This thesis will investigate the accounts from Women’s Studies students regarding their experiences academically, emotionally and politically in feminist university classrooms. Through the lens of an anti-racist feminist and intersectional analysis, I seek to demonstrate the way in which Women’s Studies university classroom spaces are neither ‘innocent’ nor are they devoid of racism and/or white supremacy. These maladies are present in the student and teachers who enter the space, voices allowed to speak and knowledge being taught. This research is formed by my personal experience as an undergraduate in a Women and Gender Studies course at a local university. I will use auto-ethnography and interviews as method in and through anti-racist feminist research methodology. By highlighting anti-racism education as a call to action in attending to this disjuncture and also to erode superficial notions of sisterhood, I will demonstrate white feminist supremacy as an implication for the sociology of race.

Women’s Studies students’ accounts of their experiences academically, emotionally and politically in feminist university classrooms will be investigated in this thesis. Central to my work, through an anti-racist feminist and intersectional analysis, is to demonstrate the way in which Women’s Studies university classroom spaces are neither ‘innocent’ nor are they devoid of racism/white supremacy as it is present in the bodies who are allowed to enter the space, voices allowed to speak and knowledge being taught. As this research is informed by a personal experience in an undergraduate Women and Gender Studies course at a local university, I will use both auto-ethnography and interviews as method in and through anti-racist feminist research methodology. Highlighting the importance of anti-racism education as a call to action in attending to this disjuncture and also to erode superficial notions of sisterhood will demonstrate white feminist supremacy as an implication for the sociology of race.