A presente dissertação tem por objetivo apresentar ferramentas que fomentem a implementação de uma espécie de controle de constitucionalidade dialógico no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, de forma a mitigar a supremacia judicial ostentada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para isso, foi organizado em três capítulos. Os dois primeiros dirigem-se a realizar uma abordagem comparada, por meio de um breve apanhado histórico e análise jurisprudencial, entre os sistemas constitucionais dos Estados Unidos, da Colômbia, da Costa Rica e do Brasil e entre os seus respetivos Tribunais imbuídos da função da realização do controle de constitucionalidade. Com isto, busca-se demonstrar o assentamento da supremacia judicial em uma visão mais ampla, bem como em uma realidade latino-americana. O terceiro capítulo, por sua vez, tem o escopo de explorar as diversas vertentes da teoria dos diálogos constitucionais, elaborar um conceito de diálogo substancial e, por fim, elaborar proposições de instrumentos dialógicos ainda não existentes no ordenamento jurídico pátrio, bem como sugerir a reformulação de alguns já existentes. O intuito primordial da parte final da dissertação é a busca da promoção de uma ressignificação do controle de constitucionalidade, de forma a democratiza-lo, mitigando a supremacia judicial, incluindo no debate sobre o significado da Constituição, além do Poder Judiciário, os Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, e a sociedade como um todo. / This master’s dissertation aims do present tools that provide the implementation of a kind of dialogic judicial review in the Brazilian legal framework, so as to mitigate the judicial supremacy displayed by the Supremo Tribunal Federal. In order to do that, it was organized in three chapters. The first two chapters carry out a comparative approach, through a short historical description e and jurisprudential analyses, between the American, the Colombian, the Costa Rican and the Brazilian constitutional systems and its respective Courts that perform judicial review. In that manner, it is the objective to demonstrate the settlement of judicial supremacy in a broad vision, and also in a Latin American reality. The third chapter, by its turn, aims to explore the different aspects of the constitutional dialogue theory, elaborate a concept of substantial dialogue and, in conclusion, elaborate propositions of dialogical instruments not yet existent in the native legal order, and also suggest a reformulation of others that already exist. The paramount intention of dissertation’s final part is the promotion of a resignification of judicial review, so as to democratize it, mitigating judicial supremacy, incorporating in the debate about the significance of the Constitution, other than the Judicial power, the Executive and the Legislative powers, and the society as a hole.

The aim of this thesis is to see how dark skinned people separate in two movies from the early 19th century. I am also going to analyze the movies from analysis questions that can be founded under the chapter called Analys. The movies I have been watching to analyze are The Birth of a Nation from year 1915 and Tarzan the Ape man from year 1932. The first movie from year 1915 is a reflection from 1860 but booth movies are reflections about the relationships between white westerner and black people from Africa in the beginning of the 1900th century. What the movies gave me as a receiver is that black people in the USA and South Africa shouldn’t be active in politics or even get the power to rule at all and it is very clear to see during the movies. According to the movies black people aren’t capable to rule in USA or in their own country in the continent Africa. The movies also show that black people should work with the cleaning and to please white people. I am going to use social representation theory in this thesis. The method that is used here is to watch the movies, write what they are about and then compare them in nine analyzing questions that is presented in the thesis.

Within the field of religious studies, the definition of religion is constantly debated. While subjective definitions of this concept may be useful in day to day conversation, what happens when “religion” and other religious language is mentioned in constitutionally entrenched documents and policies? Drawing on critical theory, this thesis examines the biases associated with the the protection of freedom of religion and the preamble to Canada’s constitution which states that, “Canada is founded upon principles that recognize the supremacy of God and rule of law”.

This text is written as a masterexam within an important Art institution in Stockholm as Konstfack, where the researcher has been studying interior and furniture design for the last five years. Therefore, it is the result of the knowledge accumulated during that period of time, in combination with the socio-cultural baggage that characterizes her identity and positioning towards the world. There are many ways of defining architecture and design. Also, within the concept of architecture, there are plenty of branches. This study is, as said before, a sum of the interpretation of how to use the education in order to socially contribute to a sustainable and more egalitarian world. As the writers' background profoundly influences her point of view, it seems essential to exhibit it for the reader.  Her parents came to Sweden as political refugees from Chile and Argentina during the military dictatorships that had taken over the democratic governments in those countries during the '70s. They, as well as the researcher, are by definition, either Swedish or "white". Even as born in Sweden and having Swedish citizenship, the law does not define the writer as Swedish. This fact has featured the formation of her identity as "not white," and in that way excluded from the dominating "ethnicity". Initially, the aim of the study contextualises by the description of the experiences and knowledge that have guided the author through her education at Konstfack. As a result,  there arise perspectives that criticize excluding power structures and how they reproduce through architecture and spatial design. Experiences, reflections, and knowledge that emerged through the described education at Konstfack led further into the exploration of the concepts inclusive-excluding design, activism, social and political architecture, postcolonial perspectives, and decolonizing processes. The study's theoretical part presents various practitioners that have inspired and empowered this project. Further, a more in-depth analysis of the institution responsible for the writer's education for the last five years results in unfolding problems and issues to give the reader an understanding of the chosen strategies to follow, starting with "manipulating manipulation". The fifth chapter consists of the study's method part, where the researcher describes the methods and strategies used. The results are presented based on spatial interventions, used as a tool to activate dialogues about shared spaces, here called common spaces. The reactions caused by the interventions are also a ground for analysis. Keywords: white supremacy, subversive interventions, disruptive aesthetics, activism, civil disobedience, architecture

Why do militaries intervene in politics in some countries and not in others? Existing theories of civil-military relations do not adequately explain military politics around the world. This dissertation provides an alternative, political-economy explanation and argues that strength of property rights instituted by a state shapes the degree of civilian supremacy over its military. I show that secure property rights induce efficient allocation of resources and contribute to sustained economic growth, which helps accommodate group interests and increases trust among them. This helps create consensus among individuals and groups on the institutions of the state, which increases the legitimacy of the state and the credibility of its institutions. High levels of legitimacy and credibility of civilian institutions enable the state to make policy decisions independent of the military, thereby reducing the ability of the military to intervene in politics. Secure property rights also constrain the arbitrary behavior of the state to politicize the military and inspire the state to uphold merit-based, professional norms in the armed forces, which prevent spillover of social cleavages into the ranks of the military. This reinforces military professionalism and helps reduce the disposition of the military to intervene in politics. Finally, secure property rights provide incentives to the groups to uphold existing institutions and pursue their interests through the markets. As a result, groups refrain from “knocking on the door” of the military to secure their interests, which reduces the opportunity for the military to intervene in politics.

In April 2015, the bronze statue of Cecil John Rhodes- notorious mining magnate, archimperialist and champion of a global Anglo-Saxon empire- was removed from its concrete plinth overlooking Cape Town, South Africa. This came as a result of the #RhodesMustFall (#RMF) movement, a movement that would see statues questioned and vandalised across the country. Two years later, fierce contestation over the hegemonic narrative told through the American South’s symbolic landscape erupted over the proposed removal of a statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee, resulting in the deaths of multiple people in Charlottesville, Virginia. Increasing research on the removal of Rhodes and the removal of Confederate statuary has emerged in recent years. However, previous scholarship has failed to compare the wider phenomena of the calls for removal, from the memorialised figures to their change in symbolic capital, the movements’ inception and its outcomes. There is subsequently a gap in the literature understanding what the politics of statue removal tell us about not only the American and South African commemorative landscapes, but the nations’ interpretations of the past and societies themselves. Therefore, this thesis uses descriptive comparative analysis to compare two case studies where the debate over statue removal has surfaced most vehemently: Rhodes’ statue at the University of Cape Town and Lee’s statue in Charlottesville. Ultimately, this dissertation finds that the calls for the removal of statues are part of a wider change in tenor towards understanding and disrupting prevailing hegemonic narratives of white supremacy, in both society and its symbolic landscape. The phenomena demonstrates that heterogeneous societies with pasts marred by segregation and racism are moving to reject and re-negotiate these histories and their symbols, a move that has elicited deeply divided, emotional responses. Despite waning attention to monument removals, the issue remains unresolved, contentious, and capable of re-igniting.

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Racism, White supremacy, and Whiteness are deeply ingrained in U.S. society and in our U.S. Catholic Church. White U.S. Catholics are infected with these sins, even our prayer can be tainted. We, who continue to benefit from White privilege and who are descendants of those who created White supremacy, are responsible for bringing an end to its reign with God’s help. In order to heal, we must recognize our sin and repent. Repentance is deeply rooted in our tradition and is a necessary spiritual practice for White U.S. Catholics to prepare the soil for individual, communal, and systemic changes to create the Beloved Community and advance the reign of God.

Can the relationship White people have with the figure of the dog, in what currently exists as South Africa, be free of antiblackness? Following instances where I saw black women who worked as domestic workers walk dogs belonging to their White employers, I write these letters addressed to you, my sister, Palesa – meditating on the dog-Human relationships as sites of racial violence. The core analytic framework and theory I employ to explore these extreme, mundane, and in-between forms of violence, is Afro-Pessimism.

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